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MIRABEA U IN THE FRENCH ASSEMBL Y. 

After the Design by Delaroche. Engraved by Dupont. 



lELAROCHE suggcsts the uglincss of which Mirabeau was proud. He 
suggests too something of the fire of his extemporaneous oratory. 
It has been shown over and over that Mirabeau used his friends in 
preparing his set speeches, but his passionate outbursts of extemporaneous 
eloquence are what really gave him his reputation as the greatest orator of 
France. These no one can take from him or share with him. They make 
him a type of the highest oratorical effectiveness. 




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OFFICIAL EDITION 



THE 



Morl6'6 Beet ©rations 



FROM THE 

EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE PRESENT TIME 

XP3XS 

DAVID J. BREWER 

EDITOR 

EDWARD A. ALLEN WILUAM SCHUYLER 

ASSOCUTB BOITORS 

XP3XS 

TEN VOLUMES 

VOL. vm. 



3 



FERD. p. KAISER 

7»» . ,'*> ,^ . 



3 



J 



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THB NEW TORI 

PCBUC LIBMFvT 

11086B 



Omctol €4itio» 

8PSCIAI, TSSTIMONIAI, SST 

Copyilcht 1899 

wz 

FERD. P. KAISER 



An fights reserved 



'T^ap/zfr/rf^ d/saaf^ded ccpy. 2-^LZ^ F) 



THE WERNER COMPANY 

PRINTERS AND MNOCRS 
AKRON, OHIO 



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THE ADVISORY COUNCIL 



THE RIGHT HON. SIR CHARLES WENTWORTH DILKE, Bart, 
Member of Parliament — Author of < Greater Britain, > etc., 

London, England. 

WILLIAM DRAPER LEWIS. Ph. D.. 
Dean of the Department of Law, 

University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 

WILLIAM P. TRENT, M.A., 

Dean of the Department of Arts and Sciences, and Professor of Eng- 
lish and History, University of the Soittu, Sewanee, Tenzu 

W. STUART SYMINGTON, Jr.. Ph. D., 

Professor of the Romance Languages, 

Amherst College, Amherst, Mass. 

ALCfiE FORTIER, Lit. D., 

Professor of the Romance Languages. 

TuLANE University, New Orleans, La. 

WILLIAM VINCENT BYARS, 

Journalist, St Louis, Ma 

RICHARD GOTTHEIL, Ph, D., 

Professor of Oriental Languages, 

Columbia University, in the city of New Yofk. 

AUSTIN H. MERRILL, A.M., 

Professor of Elocution, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tens. 

SHELDON JACKSON. D. D., LL. D., 

' Bureau of Education, Washington, D. C 

A. MARSHALL ELLIOTT. Ph.D.. LL.D., 
Professor of the Romance Languages^ 

Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md« 

*^ JOHN W. MILLION, A. M., 
ffy President of Hardin College, Mexico, Ma 

OO J. RAYMOND BRACKETT, Ph. D., 

:t^ Dean of the College of Liberal Arts, and Professor of Comparative 

^ "I Literature, * University of Colorado, Boulder, Cola 

p^ WILLIAM P. PEIRCE. A.M., L.H.D.. 

President of Kenyon College. Gambler, Ohia 

Qf^^ & PLANTZ, Ph.D., D.D., 

President of Lawrence University, Appleton, Wis. 

GEORGE TAYLOE WINSTON, LL,D., 

President of the University of Texas, Austm, Texas. 



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TABLE OF CONTENTS 
VOL. Vlli 



LIVED PAGB 

Lysias c, 459-^. 380 B. C. 2851 

Against Eratosthenes for Murder 

Lytton, Edward George Earle Lytton Bulwer, Baron 

1803-1873 2869 

Demosthenes and the Nobility of the Classics 

Macaulay, Thomas Babington Macaulay, Baron 1800-1859 2875 

The Literature of England 
Popular Education 
A Tribute to the Jews 
Consent or Force in Government 

Macdonald, Sir John Alexander 1815-1891 2890 

On the Treaty of Washington 
Prerogative and Public Right 

McKinley, William 1843- 2899 

American Patriotism 

At the Dedication of the Grant Monument 

Mackintosh, Sir James 1765-1832 2908 

Canada and the Autonomy of British Colonies 
Peltier and the French Revolution 

Madison, James 1751-1836 2925 

State Sovereignty and Federal Supremacy 

Manning. Henry Edward. Cardinal i 808-1 892 2934 

«Rome the Eternal » 



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VI 

LIVED PAGE 

Mansfield. William Murray, Earl of i705->793 2942 

In the Case of John Wilkes 
In the Case of the Dean of St. Asaph 
A Reply to the Earl of Chatham 

Marshall. John i755-i835 2949 

Opposing Patrick Henry 

Marshall, Thomas F. i 800-1864 2964 

National Power and the American Peac^ Policy 

Martin, Luther i 744-1826 2970 

Is the Government Federal or National ? 

Mason. George 

^The Natural Propensity of Rulers to Oppress » 

Massillon, Jean Baptiste 

The Curse of a Malignant Tongue 



1725-1792 


2976 


press ® 




1663-1742 


2980 


1 663- 1 728 


2986 


1805-1872 


2992 



Mather, Cotton 

At the Sound of the Trumpet 

Mazzini, Giuseppe 

To the Young Men of Italy 

Meagher. Thomas Francis i 823-1 867 2999 

« The Withering Influence of Provincial Subjection * 

Melanchthon, Philip 1497-1560 3007 

The Safety of the Virtuous 

Miller, Hugh 1802-1856 3013 

The Pledge Science Gives to Hope 

Milton, John 1608-1674 3017 

A Speech for the Liberty of Unlicensed Printing 

MiRABEAU. Gabriel HonoriS Riquetti, Comte de 1749-1791 3022 

On Necker's Project — « And Yet You Deliberate » 
Defpng the French Aristocracy 
Against the Establishment of Religion 



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Vll 

LIVED PAGS 

MiRABEAU, Gabriel HonoriS Riquetti. Comte ViZ— Continued : 

Annonncing the Death of Franklin 
** Reason Immutable and Sovereign* 
Justifying Revolution 
His Defense of Himself 

Monroe. James 1758-1831 3041 

^Federal Experiments in History* 

Montalembert, Charles Forbes. Comte db 1810-1870 3046 

For Freedom of Education 
Devotion to Freedom 
*Deo et Cfiesari Fidelis* 



Montgomery, James 


1776-1854 


3052 


Modem English Literature 






Moody, Dwight L. 


1837- 


3057 


On Daniel and the Value of Character 






More, Sir Thomas 


1478-1535 


3062 


His Speech when on Trial for Life 






MoRLEY, John 


1838- 


3068 



The Golden Art of Truth-Telling 

Morris, Gouverneur 1752-1816 3075 

Oration at the Funeral of Alexander Hamilton 

Morton, Oliver P. 1 823-1877 3079 

Reasons for Negro Suffrage 

MOller, Max 1823- 3086 \^ 

The Impassable Barrier between Brutes and Man 

Newman, John Henry, Cardinal i 801 -1890 3093 

Property as a Disadvantage 

O'CoNNELL, Daniel 1775-1847 3098 

Ireland Worth Dying For 
Demanding Justice 



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vm 

LIVED PAGE 

Otis, Harrison Gray i 765-1 848 31 11 

Hamilton's Influence on American Institutions 

Otis. James 1725-1783 3125 

For Individual Sovereignty and against « Writs of 
Assistance • 

Palmerston, Henry John Temple, Viscount i 784-1 865 3 131 

On the Death of Cobden 
Against War on Ireland 

Parker, Theodore 1810-1860 3136 

Daniel Webster after the Compromise of 1850 

Parnell, Charles Stewart 1846-1891 .3143 

His First Speech in America 
Against Nonresident Landlords 

Peel, Sir Robert 1788-1850 3148 

On the Repeal of the Com Laws 
A Plea for Higher Education 



Pendleton. Edmund 1721-1803 


3156 


Liberty and Government in America 




Penn, William 1644-1718 


3162 


The Golden Rule against Tyranny 




Pericles c, 495-429 B. C. 


3168 


On the Causes of Athenian Greatness 




Phillips, Charles , c, 1787-1859 


3176 


The Dinas Island Speech on Washington 




Phillips. Wendell 1811-1884 


3181 



John Brown and the Spirit of Fifty-Nine 

Pinkney, William 1764-1822 3195 

On the First Issues of Civil War 

Pitt, William i 759-1 806 3201 

Against French Republicanism 
England's Share in the Slave Trade 



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LIVED PACK 

Plunkett, William Conyngham Plunkett, Baron 1765-1854 3213 

Prosecuting Robert Emmet 

PoE, Edgar Allan 1809- 1849 3321 

The Love of the Beatitifal in Speech 

Potter, Henry Codman 18350 3225 

Washington and American Aristocracy 

Prentiss. Seargeant Smith 1808-1850 3233 

On New England's « Forefathers' Day» 

PuLTENEY, William 1684-1764 3244 

Against Standing Armies 

Pym, John 1584-1643 3251 

Grievances against Charles I. 
Law as the Safeguard of Liberty 



I 



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FULL-PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS 
VOLUME VIII 



PAGK 

Mirabeau in the French Assembly (Photogravure) Frontispiece 

Poets' Co-ner, Westminster Abbey (Photogravnre) 2875 

Sir John A. Macdonald (Portrait-Photogravure) 2890 
Soldiers' and Sailors' Monument at Cleveland, Ohio 

(Photogravure) 2899 

The New Law Courts, London (Photogravure) 2942 

Sir Robert Peel (Photogravure) 3148 

William Pitt (Portrait^Photogravure) 3201 

John Pym (Portrait-Photogravure) 3251 



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2851 




LYSIAS 

{c. 459-^. 380 B. C.) 

fvsus lived in Athens nnder the Thirty Tyrants, and he de- 
rives his greatest importance to stndents of Greek History 
from the fact that he prosecuted Eratosthenes — one of the 
Thirty — for mnrder. Being a foreigner, mmatnralizedt he was not 
usually allowed to speak in public so that, except the speech against 
Eratosthenes, all his extent orations were delivered by others, when 
they were delivered at all. 

In 413 B. C. Lysias and his brother, Polemarchus, who had in- 
herited a considerable estate from their father, Cephalus, a Syracusan 
resident of Athens, removed from Thurii to Athens, and when the 
persecutions under the Thirty Tyrants began, they were managing 
an extensive factory for making shields. Polemarchus was proscribed 
and put to death, and Lysias, who had a narrow escape, was driven 
into exile. After the overthrow of the Thirty, he returned and 
prosecuted Eratosthenes in a speech of great historical importance, 
which as it survives to us in its entirety is probably the best ex- 
ample of Attic speeches for the prosecution in murder trials. 

The date of the birth of Lysias, given by Dionysius of Halicamas- 
sus as 459 B. C, is in dispute, and there is the same uncertainty at- 
taching to the date of his death. Of his greatest political oration, 
delivered at Olympia, 388 B. C, only a fragment remains. After the 
expulsion of the Tyrants, he seems to have supported himself writ- 
ing speeches to be delivered by others in the law courts at Athens,, 
and a very considerable number of these are still extant in their 
entirety. Of his style, Dionysius of Halicarnassus says that to « write 
well is given to most men ... to write winningly, gracefully,, 
and with loveliness, is the gift of Lysias.* 



AQAINST ERATOSTHENES FOR MURDER 
(Delivered at Athens 403 B. C) 

[« Polemarchus, brother of Lysias,* writes Professor Jebb, *had been pot 
to death by the Thirty Tyrants. Eratosthenes, one of their number, was the 
man who had arrested him and taken him to prison. In this speech Lysias, 
himself the speaker, charges Eratosthenes with the murder of Polemarchus, 
and, generally, with his share in the tyranny. . . . 



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2S53 LYSIAS 

^Lysias then enters on his narrative of the facts. His father had been in- 
vited by Pericles to settle at Athens as a resident-alien, and bad lived there 
peaceably for thirty years. His family had never been involved in any 
tronbles until the time of the Thirty Tyrants. Theognis and Peison, n^em- 
bers of that body, suggested the policy of plundering the resident-aliens. 
These two men first paid a visit to the shield manufactory of Lysias and his 
brother, and took an inventory of the slaves. The next came to the dwelling 
house of Lysias, and got all his ready money,— about three talents. He man- 
aged to slip away from them, and took refuge with a friend in the Peirseus; 
then, hearing that his brother Polemarchus had been met in the street by 
Eratosthenes and taken to prison, he escaped by night to Megara. Polem- 
archus received the usual mandate of the Thirty, — to drink the hemlock; 
and had a beggar's buriaL Though he and Lysias had yielded such rich 
plunder, the very earrings were taken from the ears of his wife.» Now the 
murderer of Polemarchus was Eratosthenes, who js prosecuted by Lysias : — ] 

IT IS an easy matter, O Athenians! to begin this accusation, 
but to end it without doing injustice to the cause will be at- 
tended with no small difficulty. For the crimes of Eratos- 
thenes are not only too atrocious to describe, but too many to 
enumerate. No exaggeration can exceed; and within the time 
assigned for this discourse, it is impossible fully to represent 
them. 

This trial, too, is attended with another singularity. In other 
causes it is usual to ask the accusers: *What is your resentment 
against the defendants ? ^ But here you must ask the defendants: 
•What was your resentment against your country?* •What 
malice did you bear your fellow-citizens?* •Why did you rage 
with unbridled fury against the State itself?* 

I say not this, Athenians, as if I had no private misfortunes to 
lament, no personal injuries to revenge. But a good citizen feels 
the calamities of his country as sensibly as his own. Both there 
is good reason to resent, and with both I am justly affected. 

Nor is it a small source of uneasiness that a man, who never 
before plead in his own or in any other cause, should be obliged 
to undertake an accusation on which so much depends. I have 
felt uncommon anxiety on this account, especially as not only my 
own interests, but those of my brother, are at stake; and both 
are unfortunately committed to my artless inexperience. But I 
shall make you acquainted, Athenians, with the merit of this 
cause in the shortest and simplest manner. 

My father Cephalus was engaged to settle in this country, by 
the persuasion of Pericles, and he continued in it thirty years, 
without ever appearing before you as plaintiff or defendant. His 



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LYSIAS 



2853 



behavior was so moderate and inoffensive that it prevented him 
from doing injuries and protected him against them. But there 
are times in which no man, how much soever he may be entitled 
to tranquillity, can expect to enjoy it. Such was that fatal pe- 
riod, when the Thirty assumed the direction of your affairs. Gov- 
erned as they were by the most abandoned principles, and actuated 
by the malignant spirit of calumny and revenge, they endeavored 
to conceal the flagitious designs which they meditated against 
their country, under the appearance of promoting the public good. 

•The city must be purged of turbulent and corrupt men, that, 
the contagion of their bad example being removed, other citizens 
may return to their duty and public happiness be restored.* — 
This was their pretense, but you shall hear how far their conduct 
corresponded with it. Having first mentioned their behavior 
towards myself, I shall afterwards describe what they committed 
against you. 

Theognis and Kso, two of the Thirty Tyrants, gave information 
to their associates that many strangers established at Athens 
were disaffected towards the present government. This calumny 
was evidently contrived in order to afford a plausible excuse for 
plundering the strangers, to which measure the colleagues of The- 
ognis and Piso were not only disposed by avarice, but prompted 
by fear. Money had become necessary for their safety, as their 
government, founded on usurpation, and tyrannically administered, 
could by no other means be supported. The life of man, there- 
fore, they regarded as a matter of little moment; the amassing 
of wealth was the only object of their ambition. For this pur- 
pose, ten strangers were at once devoted to destruction. Among 
these, indeed, were two poor men ; for thus did the tyrants hope 
to persuade you, that the remaining eight had also been con- 
demned, not from a desire of rifling their effects, but of main- 
taining the public interest; as if this had ever been the object of 
their concern. 

Having thus concerted their designs, they proceeded to carry 
them into execution. I was seized exercising the rites of hospi- 
tality, and my guests, being rudely dismissed, were delivered over 
to Piso. While his accomplices went into the workhouse to take 
a list of my slaves, I asked him if money could save my life. 
•Yes, a considerable sum.* •! will give you a talent of silver.* 
•I am satisfied.* I knew, Athenians, that he neither feared gods 
nor men, yet in my present desperate condition it was some 



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38S4 



LYSIAS 



small consolation to depend even upon his brittle faith. After he 
had vowed destruction on himself and his children if he per- 
formed not his promise, I went to open my coffers to pay him 
the talent, but he, observing the contents, called one of his at- 
tendants, and ordered him to seize them. When his servant had 
taken, not only what was agreed upon between us, but three tal- 
ents of silver, a htmdred daricks, three hundred cyzeceni, and 
four cups of silver, I begged of Piso that he allow me a small 
pittance to defray the expense of my journey; but he desired me 
to be thankful if I saved my life. 

As we were going out we were met by Melobius and Mue- 
sithedes (two of the Thirty Tyrants), who had returned from the 
workhouse. They inquired where we were going. Piso answered: 
*To my brother's house, that it might likewise be examined.* 
They desired him to go on, but commanded me to follow them 
to Damasippus's house; upon which Piso whispered to me to fear 
nothing, for he also would be there. When we arrived, we found 
Theognis placed as a guard upon several of my unfortunate com- 
panions. Here I remained among his prisoners, and those who 
conducted me retired. In this unhappy condition, I thought it 
advisable to neglect no means of providing for my escape. Call- 
ing therefore Damasippus, I explained to him my situation; that 
I had been guilty of no crime, but was persecuted for my riches, 
and entreated him, by our past friendship, to exert his influence 
in my behalf. He assured me of his favorable intentions, and of 
his resolution to intercede with Theognis, whom he supposed to 
be so avaricious that he would do anjrthing for money. Whilst 
they conversed, I, being acquainted with the house, which had 
two entrances, thought proper to attempt getting out unnoticed. 
If I escaped, it was well; if I did not, Theognis might still be 
soothed by money; and should a bribe fail, my ruin, whether in 
staying or attempting to escape, was inevitable. Influenced by 
these motives, while they guarded only the entrance from the 
court, I escaped by another passage through three doors, which 
all happened to be open. Flying to the country house of Archi- 
maus, a shipmaster, I sent him to the city to get intelligence of 
my brother. Upon his return, he informed me that Eratosthenes 
had dragged him from the road and carried him to prison. At 
this mournful news, I sailed in the night to Megara. And in the 
meantime the Thirty issued their command, that Polemarchus 
should drink hemlock, without even alleging the smallest reason 



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LYSIAS 



»8SS 



why he shotild suffer death, — so far was he from being allowed 
a fair trial for his vindication! 

Having thus perished in prison, though we had three houses 
belonging to us, they publicly exposed his body in a hired cot* 
tage, from which it was brought for burial. Even his garments, 
with which he was well provided, were not used at his funeral; 
but of our friends one supplied a doak, another a pillow for his 
head, and each whatever happened to be nearest at hand. So 
shameful was their conduct to him, though they had acquired 
seven hundred shields, the manufacture of our slaves, much gold, 
silver, and brass, with all sorts of furniture, and such a quantity 
of women's dresses and ornaments as they could never have ex- 
pected to possess; and to crown all, a hundred and twenty slaves, 
of whom, giving the worst to the public, they kept the most 
dexterous and skillful for their private use. Such was the mean- 
ness of their avarice that even the gold earrings of Polemarchus's 
wife Melobius plucked from her ears. The most insignificant 
trinket was not spared; they plundered us for our wealth, as if 
they had been executing the decrees of justice against us for 
some enormous offense. 

But did we deserve such a treatment; we who so liberally dis- 
tributed our fortunes for the public interest and often lavished it 
for the public amusement; we who, always behaving with mod- 
eration, never gave the least cause of resentment; we who 
ransomed many of your citizens from the enemy, and, though 
foreigners, showed more attachment to the country in which we 
lived than such citizens as Eratosthenes to their native land? 
By them many Athenians were driven from their country and 
obliged to take refuge among the enemy; many after being put 
to death upon unjust accusations were impiously suffered to lie 
unburied; those who deserved the highest honors, they disgraced 
and insulted; and, not satisfied with wreaking their vengeance on 
the present generation, they cut off your future hopes by pre- 
venting the marriages of your children. 

What audacity is it, then, for such men to approach you with 
their defense; to plead innocence, to solicit protection, which 
would to God, they deserved! For had their conduct been capa- 
ble of excuse, my sorrows might admit of consolation, and I 
should not at present lament the public's calamities and my own. 

My brother, guiltless of any injury, public or private, fell a 
sacrifice to the cruel avarice of Eratosthenes. And let him now 



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2$S^ 



LTSIA8 



appear that I may interrog^ate him; for thoagh with a view to 
his safety it would be impious even to name him to anotfaery 
I shall feel no horror in speaking to him, in order to promote 
his destruction. Step up, then, and answer the questions which 
I shall put to you« *Did you carry off Polemarchus or not?'^ 
^I executed by fear what was commanded me by the magis- 
trates.* *Were you of the council, when our afEair was exam- 
ined?* ^I was.* ^Did you concur with those who proposed to 
put us to death, or were you of a contrary opinion?* *I was 
of a contrary opinion.* *Did you advise that we should die?* 
*I advised that you should not die.* ^Believing that we de- 
served death, or that we should have suffered unjustly ? * * That 
you should have suffered unjustly.* Thus, O most impudent of 
men, you voted for saving us, but laid hold of us, that we 
might die! 

When our lives depended upon your cabal, you opposed the 
opinion of those who sought our death; but when the life of 
Polemarchus depended on yourself alone, you imprisoned and 
murdered him! And now dare you expect favor for what you 
advised without effect, rather than dread punishment for what 
you actually committed? 

But it is unreasonable, Athenians, to believe he ever gave 
any such advice; for is it possible that, had he opposed our 
death, he should have been appointed our executioner? Would 
his colleagues have chosen to try his fidelity by this delicate act 
of obedience ? Surely they might have found a fitter instrument 
to execute their orders than the man who disapproved of them 
and who had openly declared his opinion. 

But, on the supposition that this really was the case, it would 
still be of no avail to him. It is an excuse, indeed, for the rest 
of the citizens, who in those turbulent times were sometimes 
compelled to acts of violence and injustice, that their conduct 
was not voluntary, but in compliance with the orders of the 
Thirty, whom it was death to disobey; but the Thirty can never 
defend their own crimes by charging them on one another. 

Had there been authority in the State, to which their own 
was subordinate and which commanded them to put to death the 
citizens, then, indeed, they might plead necessity and perhaps be 
deemed worthy of pardon; but being themselves sovereign and 
supreme, they must likewise be themselves answerable for their 
behavior. For how could you ever punish their crimes if you 



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LYSIAS 



a8S7 



admit as an excuse for the Thirty that they obeyed the orders 
of the Thirty. 

But Eratosthenes even exceeded these orders, for though com- 
manded to search for Polemarchus in his house, a command highly 
criminal and oppressive, he pursued him when he was flying for 
safety into the road, and thence dragged him to prison. If those 
deserve mercy who in order to secure themselves violate the 
rights of others, is there no pity for the innocent ? • But Eratos- 
thenes would have endangered his own safety had he not come 
to my brother's house, or if, finding him there, he had denied his 
having seen him.* Be it so. As the matter actually happened, 
however, there was no danger. His defense was ready, either 
that he did not observe him on the road, or did not know him; 
for in neither case was it in the power of his colleagues, either 
by witnesses or cross-examining, to convict him. 

And had you, Eratosthenes, felt anything of that humanity to 
which you pretend, you would rather have given warning to an 
innocent man pursued to death than co-operated with his inso- 
lent oppressors. But your conduct a£Eords sufficient proof that, 
far from being dissatisfied with your commission, you delighted 
in executing it. 

The decision of the judges will, therefore, be founded on the 
actions which you performed, and not on the words which you 
pretend to have said. They will consider your actions as a proof 
that those words of which you can bring no evidence were not 
really spoken by you; for it is easy for the Thirty, to whose meet- 
ings we had no access, against whose violence, even in our own 
houses, we were not secure, to extol the humanity of their 
speeches, whilst their actions were directed against our property 
and our lives. But admitting that you opposed the sentiments of 
your colleagues, pray what would have been your conduct had 
you agreed with them, since even as it was you put Polemarchus 
to death? 

Had he been your brother or father would you have saved 
him ? 

For it would be necessary, Athenians, either to prove that he 
did not carry off Polemarchus, or that he acted justly in doing 
so; but as he has given up both these points, you can no longer 
have any difficulty in your decision. 

By this cause the attention of mankind has been excited; the 
dticens and strangers now present are big with expectation; and 



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the fate of Biatosthenes alone nnist discover your sentunents 
of the whole cabal Now is the time to teach yoor dtixens that 
their crimes win either meet with immediate pmiishment, or 
though this should for a short time be deferred, and their ambi- 
tion be crowned with success by the acquisition of sovereign 
power^ that justice win stiU pursue and overtake them, deprive 
them of their usurped pre-eminence, and confound them with the 
meanest criminals. 

Now is the time to justify before strangers the expulsion of 
your tjrrants; for if they perceive that, after getting them into 
your power, you stiU allow them to escape unpunished, they will 
have reason to deem their own activity in promoting your deliv- 
erance equally officious and vain« 

And how inconsistent will it appear if you, who punished 
with death the sea commanders in the engagement because they 
were unable to draw up dead bodies from the bottom of a tem- 
pestuous sea, saying that it was necessary to sacrifice the living 
to the virtues of the dead, should neglect to chastise those men 
who in a private station exerted their utmost endeavors to ren- 
der us unfortunate at sea, and, when vested with supreme au- 
thority, sported with the lives of your citizens? Ought not 
your resentment to be kindled against them and their children ? 
Surely I have said enough upon this indictment; for when a 
criminal is proved deserving of death, the ultimate point to 
which mankind can push their revenge, it is to no purpose to 
accumulate new charges against him. We need not, therefore, 
burden the indictment of the Thirty with many articles, for the 
punishment would not be adequate, were they twice to suffer 
death for the least of their crimes. 

Nor can they plead that defense which is so often employed 
with success; they can relate no services which can counterbal- 
ance their demerit; and if they admit, which of necessity they 
must, the truth of what has been asserted against them, they can 
boast of no gallant action to blunt the edge of your resentment. 
They cannot elude the accusation by showing, like many others 
of your citizens, their laurels gained in the field, the ships taken 
from the enemy, the cities joined to your alliance. Let them 
speak — when did you kill as many of our enemies abroad as 
you murdered of our citizens at home? When did you seize as 
many of their ships as you betrayed of ours? What city did 
you deliver, comparable to Athens, which you enslaved? What 



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btilwark did you ever destroy equal to that of your country, 
when you confessed that you had demolished the Pireum, not to 
gratify the Lacedamonians, but to render your own tyranny 
more firm and stable? 

I have often wondered that such men as Eratosthenes should 
dare to defend crimes no less palpable than heinous. None 
surely could be capable of this audacity but men of the most 
abandoned character who had already shown many previous in- 
stances of villainy and baseness. This was not therefore the first 
time he had trampled on our laws and opposed the spirit of our 
government. When the tjrranny of the Pour Hundred was estab- 
lished in the army at Samos, Eratosthenes abandoned the ship 
which he commanded in the Hellespont and came hither with 
Hierocles and others (their names are too well known to be men- 
tioned) with a design to oppose the friends of liberty, then strug- 
gling to preserve the democratic government That this is the 
truth the witnesses shall prove. [The witnesses are examined.] 

After that fatal sea fight, which, though the Republic still con- 
tinued for a short time to subsist, may be considered as the climax 
of our misfortunes, there were five men appointed by the cabal, 
under pretense of acting the part of censors, and of summoning 
and preserving order among the tribes, but in reality to be the 
chiefs of the party and to undermine the true interest of the 
State. 

Of this number were Eratosthenes and Critias, who by their 
accomplices gained complete ascendency over the tribes and pre- 
vailed on them to pass what laws and to appoint what magistrates 
they themselves thought proper. Thus was the State at once 
a prey to enemies both foreign and domestic: for the cabal well 
knew they could never build their influence on any other foun- 
dation than the ruins of their country. Hence their enmity to 
the State; hence their contrivance to render your own decrees 
destructive of the public good and to reduce your affairs into so 
deplorable a situation that the necessity of struggling against the 
calamities which they occasioned might prevent you from oppos- 
ing that tyranny which they intended to establish. 

That Eratosthenes was one of these censors I can prove; not 
by the testimony of his colleagues (this, indeed, is not in my 
power), but of those who were the instruments of his oppression. 
These, had they behaved wisely, would ere now have given in- 
formation against him who employed them in so mean a service. 



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disregarding engagements, by whatever oaths confirmed, which 
had been entered into with a public enemy, and sacrificing every 
scruple of conscience to the interest of their country. Let the 
witnesses be called and examined. [The witnesses are exam- 
ined, and the orator proceeds.] You hear, then, that their testi- 
mony is entirely agreeable to what I have related. But last of 
all, when he became a member of the Supreme Council he was 
guilty of innumerable outrages without ever having a share in 
one good action. Had he been a worthy citizen, he would 
neither have usurped an authority unwarranted by law, and con- 
trary to the principles of our Constitution, nor given ear to those 
false accusations which were brought before the Senate, but he 
would have asserted with the boldness and the freedom of an 
honest man that Batrachus and .£schylides did not declare the 
truth, but bore testimony to libels, maliciously contrived by the 
Thirty, for the destruction for their fellow-citizens. For in that 
unhappy conjuncture, such as were silent deserved as much blame 
as those who told falsehoods; both were equally injurious to the 
State; for because these were silent, the cabal alone spoke and 
acted, — than which there could not possibly be a greater ca- 
lamity. 

It is in vain, then, for any one to pretend to have wished well 
to his country who did not on this occasion, both by his speeches 
and actions, give a proof of his good-will. 

Eratosthenes may still insist, however, that, being afraid of 
incurring the resentment of his colleagues, he was compelled to 
an involuntary silence. This defense, were it founded in truth, 
would certainly be of great weight; but if it appear that he had 
no occasion to dread the resentment of his associates, and that 
his influence among them was so great that he could oppose 
them all without danger to himself, it must be evident that he 
concurred in every design which he did not openly disapprove. 
For why did he not display the same courage in your behalf 
which he exerted in defense of Theramenes, the cause of your 
misfortunes, if it did not proceed from this, that, considering the 
State as his enemy, he naturally regarded as his friends those 
who had been most active in subverting it ? This I can demon- 
strate clearly, as well as that all those dissensions which took place 
among the Thirty, instead of proceeding from any praiseworthy or 
public cause, were only so many contests of private ambition, to 
decide who should have the greatest share in the government, 



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LYSIA8 a86i 

or rather in the oppression of their country. For had their dis- 
putes arisen about the common good, or on account of the in- 
juries which had been offered to the citizens, when could the 
honest party have a fairer opportunity of discovering the integ- 
rity of their intentions and of taking vengeance of the public 
enemies than after Thrasybulus had got possession of Phyle ? 

But, instead of co-operating with this deliverer of his country, 
Eratosthenes departed with his partners in power to Salamis and 
Eleusis, after throwing into confinement three hundred of the 
citizens, all of whom were condemned to death by one decree. 

Even after we had become masters of the Pireum, and by 
the victory which we there obtained over the partisans of the 
oligarchy had reason to flatter ourselves that the civil dissen- 
sions were at an end, the wicked artifices of certain persons still 
continued to disappoint us. The friends of liberty, victorious in 
the field, did not push their advantages, but allowed their en- 
emies to return to the city. 

These, behaving with equal moderation, endeavored, on their 
return, to pursue such measures as might bring about a thorough 
reconciliation between the contending parties. They banished 
all the Thirty Tyrants except Phsedon and Eratosthenes, and 
they elected to office the persons who had most openly opposed 
their administration, imagining that this opposition was the sur- 
est pledge of their good intentions towards the citizens at the 
Pireum, 

Among these new magistrates were Epichares, Hippocles, and 
Phsedon, who had formerly been one of the Thirty. 

They had all vehemently arraigned the proceedings of Critias 
and Charicles, and warmly contended against the whole faction; 
but no sooner were they themselves possessed of sovereign 
power than they imitated an example they had so loudly con- 
demned and showed their animosity to be greater against you 
of the Pireum than even against your oppressors; by which tiiey 
gave an evident proof that their dissensions with the latter had 
not arisen from a desire of benefiting you, or from resentment 
on account of those who were unjustly put to death, or from 
pity for such as at present stood on the brink of destruction, 
but only from their own criminal passions. They envied the 
wealth and power which the faction of Critias had acquired, and 
which they themselves were willing to purchase with the same 
crimes. 



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2S62 LYSIAS 

When they had thus become masters of the government and 
the city, they commenced hostilities against both parties, — against 
the Thirty, who had committed so many outrages, and against 
you who had suffered them. 

Yet it was evident that if the Thirty deserved punishment, 
you deserved protection; and that if they were banished justly, 
you had been banished unjustly; since this was the very pretense 
upon which they had been expelled. It is impossible, then, to feel 
too much indignation against the conduct of Phsedon, who though 
chosen into the magistracy in order to reconcile you to your fel- 
low-citizens and to bring you back into your country, shamefully 
betrayed his trust, co-operated with Eratosthenes, and While he 
pretended on your account to inflict punishment on the Thirty, 
refused to restore to you, whom they had injured, the rights of 
Athenians and the enjoyment of your native soil. 

He even went into Lacedsmon and endeavored to persuade 
the Spartans to take up arms, using arguments equally Injurious 
to you and capable of working on their ambitions; among others 
that the State was ready to submit to the Boeotians. As this de- 
sign, however, failed, whether because the sacrifices were unfavor- 
able, or because the Spartans at this time were not inclined to 
war, he borrowed a hundred talents to raise an army, which he 
committed to the command of Lysander, an obstinate partisan of 
the oligarchy, who had steadily opposed the true interests of this 
country and who had a particular enmity against the Athenians 
at the Pireum. 

Thus, bribing individuals, instigating whole nations, and at 
lengfth the Lacedaemonians themselves, with several of their allies, 
he did not propose to reconcile the citizens to one another, but 
to utterly subvert the State. And even this he must have ef- 
fected had it not been for those brave men, whose virtue you 
ought now to recompense by punishing their enemies. These 
matters you know from your own experience, so that there is 
no necessity for witnesses; however, let them be called, as I 
should here incline to make a pause, and some of you may be 
fond of hearing the same truths from different persons. [The 
witnesses.] 

I shall now speak of Theramenes in as few words as possible, 
and I entreat you to hear me for myself and the State. For it 
is Eratosthenes's apology that he is and was a friend to Thera- 
menes and shared with him in all his exploits; yet had he been 



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employed in the govemment with Themistocles, he would doubt- 
less have made a merit of building the Pireum, as he now does 
of having demolished it with Theramenes. But these actions 
appear to me in a very different light 

Themistocles, deceiving our enemies, erected our walls; Thera- 
menes, betraying his country, pulled them down, by which he 
broke the very sinews of your power. 

Instead of sheltering themselves under the merit of Thera- 
menes, the friends of this traitor ought to dread the same pun- 
ishment which was inflicted on himself, unless they can prove 
they disavowed his conduct and maintained a contrary opinion 
with regard to public affairs. For Theramenes was the principal 
agent in establishing the govemment of the Four Hundred — a 
system of tjrranny, which his father, one of the senators, had 
contrived. 

Whfle his power was unequaled, he behaved with fidelity, but 
no sooner did he observe that Pisander, Callfieschrus, and others 
began to rival him in your esteem, than with Aristocrates, he 
formed an accusation against Antiphon and Archiptolemus, two 
of his most intimate friends, and such was his baseness, that, in 
order to seduce your favor, he sacrificed those very men by 
whose means he had formerly enslaved you; by this conduct he 
once more attained pre-eminence, and, deceiving you by a chimer- 
ical discovery, pretended that he would conclude a peace with- 
out giving hostages, demolishing your walls, or delivering up 
your fleet. But this grand, this important secret, it was neces- 
sary to conceal from you; all men were blindly to trust in Thera- 
menes, without knowing the cause of their confidence. And you, 
Athenians, though the Areopagus were solicitous for your safety, 
though many murmured against Theramenes, dreading that whilst 
others conceal from the enemy what they communicate to their 
countrymen, he would communicate to your enemies what he 
concealed from his fellow-citizens; you, I say, intrusted solely to 
his care your country, your children, your wives, and your own 
safety. But he, regardless of his promises, persisted in his reso- 
lution of ruining the State. So that what you never dreaded, 
and what your enemies durst not desire, he persuaded you to 
do. Nor was he compelled by the Lacedflemonians, but volun- 
tarily agreed, to demolish the walls of the Pireum and to dis- 
solve yoiu: present govemment. And, indeed, affairs were brought 
to such a pass, that his safety and your destruction were insep- 



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LY8IAS 



arably connected, nor conld he avert your vengeance but by ren- 
dering yon unable to punish him. 

No assembly, therefore, was called until the time agreed on 
between him and the Lacedaemonians, when the ships of Lysander 
were brought from Samos and the enemy had advanced into the 
heart of your country. Then, indeed, he convened you to delib- 
erate on your affairs when his associates, Lysander, Philochares, 
and Miltiades were present; when no orator dare accuse or op- 
pose him; when you yourselves could pass no vote but what was 
dictated by your enemies. 

In this conjuncture he advised you to commit the city to 
thirty men and to establish that form of government which 
Dracontides had prescribed. And when you, provoked by these 
indignities, even surrounded as you were, began to be in com- 
motion, he declared, and I take yourselves who heard him to 
witness, that he despised your anger; for that many would concur 
in his designs and vote whatever seemed good to Lysander and 
the Lacedssmonians. 

Lysander then stood up, and, among other audacious senti- 
ments, declared you to be men of no faith, and that if you did not 
agree to Theramene's proposal, the question would be no longer 
about your government, but your safety. As many as were good 
men, sensible of the snare laid for them, and yielding to the 
fatality of circumstances, either remained silent or left the as- 
sembly with the melancholy though virtuous consolation of not 
being concerned in passing a vote for the destruction of their 
country. But a few men of malevolent hearts and corrupt prin- 
ciples continued there, and voted as they were commanded, elect- 
ing into office ten persons named by Theramenes alone, ten 
named by the rest of the cabal, and ten who were then present 
in the assembly. Thus, Athenians, was your destruction com- 
plete, when even your votes were no longer free. 

Of all this I can give you the evidence of Theramenes him- 
self. He made his defense in the council of his associates by 
the merit of having performed all that I now lay to his charge. 
There he asserted that not the Lacedemonians, but he himself, 
had caused the revolution, and reproached his colleagues for con- 
spiring against the man to whom they owed their power and to 
whom they had sworn obedience. Can Theramenes then be called 
your friend, who, both before and on this occasion, involved you 
in the greatest calamities; who perished not in your defense, but 



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on account of his own crimes; who mnst have been jnstly pun- 
ished, either in the oligarchy, which he dissolved, or in the dem- 
ocracy which he twice subverted; a man ever discontented with 
his present situations, fond of revolutions, and who, under plausi- 
ble pretenses, concealed the most villainous designs? 

But enough of Theramenes. The time is now come when, in- 
isensible to tenderness and to pity, you must be armed with just 
severity against Eratosthenes and his associates. What avails it 
to have conquered them in the field, if you be overcome by them 
in your councils ? Do not show them more favor for what they 
boast they will perform than resentment for what they have 
already committed; nor, after being at so much pains to become 
master of their persons, allow them to e8cax>e without suffering 
that punishment which you once sought to inflict, but prove 
yourselves worthy of that good fortune which has given you power 
over your enemies. The contest is very unequal between Eratos- 
thenes and you. Formerly he was both judge and accuser, but 
we, while we accuse, must at the same time make our defense. 
Those who were innocent, he put to death without trial; to them 
who are guilty we allow the benefit of law, even though no ade- 
quate punishment can ever be inflicted. For should we sacrifice 
them and their children, would this compensate for the murder 
of your fathers, your sons, and your brothers ? 

Should we deprive them of their property, could this indem- 
nify the individuals whom they have beggared, or the State 
which they have plundered? Though they cannot suffer a 
punishment adequate to their demerit, they ought not surely on 
this account to escape. Yet how matchless is the effrontery of 
Eratosthenes, who being now judged by the very persons whom 
he formerly injured, still ventures to make his defense before 
the witnesses of his crimes? What can show more evidently the 
contempt in which he holds you, or the confidence which he re- 
poses in others? This you ought not to neglect, but hold it for 
certain that without accomplices he would never have committed 
such outrages against you, or at present would he venture to 
defend them. And what can be the motive of those accom- 
plices but to remove their apprehensions on account of what 
they have already done, and henceforward to acquire the power 
of acting with impunity ? 

But I wonder will they attempt to save him by their own 
merit with the citizens (whom, would to God! they had been as 
VIII — 180 



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2866 LYSIAS 

ready to protect as he was to annoy), or whether, resting their 
sole defense on the character of the defendant, they will en- 
deavor, by rhetoric and chicane, to varnish the most flagrant 
breaches of every law, human and divine? Yet these artful 
speakers never displayed their eloquence in defending the cause 
of the innocent or in delivering you from oppression. As to the 
witnesses who now appear with a view to save him, but by 
whose testimony he must stand condemned, what can be their 
opinion of your understanding, if they expect that you will now 
deliberately pardon those who, after murdering your relations, 
would not permit you to bury them? Those who, should they 
now be favored by your simplicity, would again overwhelm you 
in the common ruin of your country, while your friends whom 
they put to death cannot again perish in your defense. It is, in- 
deed, very remarkable that though there were so few to tmder- 
take your cause, in itself so just, and though none durst show 
their regard for such as were destroyed by the Thirty without 
exposing themselves to the like calamity, there should now be so 
many patrons ready to protect your destroyers and to defend 
their proceedings. 

It is still urged in favor of Eratosthenes that of all the Thirty 
he was the least culpable and therefore deserves pardon. But 
surely of all the other Greeks he was the most culpable, and 
therefore deserves punishment. By passing a just decree you 
will show your displeasure and your indignation; by acquitting 
him you become accomplices in his crimes and cannot even 
make use of his defense. Then you were compelled by the 
Thirty; but at the present no man can compel you to vote in 
opposition to your sentiments. Do not, then, accuse yourselves 
by absolving him. Your decree cannot remain secret; it must 
be known to your country. 

I shall conclude by laying before you the miseries to which 
you were reduced, that you may see the necessity of taking ptm- 
ishment on the authors of them. And first, you who remained 
in the city, consider the severity of their government [the gov- 
ernment of the Thirty] ; you were reduced into such a situa* 
tion as to be obliged to carry on a war in which, if you were 
conquered, you partook, indeed, of the same liberty with the con- 
querors; but if you proved victorious, you remained under the 
slavery of your tyrants. Consider that, while they enriched their 
private families, they beggared you by a civil war from which 



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LYSIAS 2867 

you had no advantages to expect^ as you could participate with 
them only in their disgrace. This was the uncommon method 
by which they secured your fidelity [than which what could be 
more contemptuous?], not by sharing with you their riches or 
their power, but by exposing you to that detestation in which 
they were held by all real lovers of their country. Take ven- 
geance, then, for yourselves when they thus insulted you, and for 
your countrymen whom they banished. You were formerly en- 
slaved by traitors to their country; you now deliberate and fight 
and govern in concert with its deliverers. 

Avail yourselves of this happy revolution; show that you are 
worthy of that liberty, which, notwithstanding all their guards,* 
has been restored; avenge the enemies of the State, and secure 
its future tranquillity. 

To such as remained in Athens, I might still with propriety 
say a great deal more; but this shall be suflScient As to you of 
the Pireum, you will remember that, though you never lost your 
arms in the battles which you fought, or in the lands which you 
traversed, yet you suffered by these men what your foreign ene* 
mies could never accomplish; and at home, in time of peace, were 
disarmed by your fellow-citizens. By them, you were banished 
from the country left you by your fathers. 

Their rage, knowing no abatement, pursued you abroad and 
drove you from one territory to another. Recall the same re- 
sentment you then felt. Remember the cruel indignities which 
you suffered; how you were dragged from the tribunal and the 
altars; how no place, however sacred, could shelter you against 
their violence; while others, torn from their wives, their children, 
their parents, after putting a period to their miserable lives, were 
deprived of funeral rites. For these tjrrants imagined their gov- 
ernment to be so firmly established that even the vengeance of 
the gods was unable to shake it 

But you who escaped immediate death, who fled you knew 
not whither, no asylum affording you protection; everywhere tak- 
ing refuge, yet everywhere abandoned ; who, leaving your children 
among strangers or enemies, and destitute of all the necessaries 
of life, made your way to the Pireum, where, overcoming all op- 
position, you showed the triumph of virtue over numbers and 

*Tlie guards sent by the Lacedsemonians to support the government of 
the Thirty. 



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a868 LYSIAS 

force, regained the city for yourselves and freedom for your 
countrymen, — what must have been your situation had you 
proved unfortunate in the engagement? 

Again compelled to fly, no temples, no altars, could have 
saved you. The children who accompanied you would have been 
reduced to the vilest servitude; those whom you left behind, de- 
prived of all help, would, at a mean price, have been sold to 
your enemies. 

But why should I mention what might have happened, not 
being able to relate what was actually done? For it is impossi- 
ble for one man, in the course of one trial, to enumerate the 
means which were employed to undermine the power of this 
State, the arsenals which were demolished, the temples sold or 
profaned, the citizens banished or murdered, and whose dead 
bodies were impiously left disinterred. 

Those slaughtered citizens now watch your decree, imcertain 
whether you will prove accomplices in their death, or avengers 
of their murder. 

I will cease accusing. You have heard, you have seen, yon 
have suffered! It only remains for you to give sentence I 



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LORD LYTTON 

(EDWARD GEORGE EARLE LYTTON BULWER, BARON • 

LYTTON) 

(1803-1873) 

ELEBRATED as he is for his fiction. Lord Lytton in prose com- 
I>osition is perhaps at his best in such addresses as that 
delivered at the University of Edinburgh in 1854. Its style 
is admirable throughout, and its peroration is worthy of the best trar 
dition of English oratory. He was bom at London, May 35th, 1803. 
Graduating at Cambridge in 1826, he entered Parliament in 1831 and 
served ten years, returning again in 1852 and serving until 1866, — 
the year he was raised to the peerage as Baron Lytton. In 1858 
and 1859 he was Colonial Secretary in Lord Derby's administration. 
In Parliament he supported Conservative policies, opposing the repeal 
of the Com Laws and striving *to elevate the masses in character 
and in feeling to the standard which Conservatism works in aris- 
tocracy.^ He died at Torquay, January 18th, 1873. 



DEMOSTHENES AND THE NOBILITY OP THE CLASSICS 

(From the Address Delivered to the Associated Societies of the University of 
Edinburgh, Jantiary i8th, 1854) 

ALL men in modem times, famous for their eloquence, have 
recognized Demosthenes as their model. Many speakers in 
our own coimtry have literally translated passages from his 
orations and produced electrical effects upon sober English sen- 
ators by thoughts first uttered to passionate Athenian crowds. 
Why is this? Not from the style — the style vanishes in transla- 
tion. It is because thoughts the noblest appeal to emotions the 
most masculine and popular. You see in Demosthenes the man 
accustomed to deal with the practical business of men — to gen- 
eralize details, to render complicated affairs clear to the ordinary 
tmderstanding — and, at the same time, to connect the material 
interests of life with the sentiments that warm the breast and 
exalt the soul. It is the brain of an accomplished statesman in 



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LORD LYTTON 



unison with a generous heart, thoroughly in earnest, beating 
loud and high — with the passionate desire to convince breathless 
thousands how to baffle a danger and to save their country. 

A little time longer and Athens is free no more. The iron 
force of Macedon has banished liberty from the silenced Agora. 
But liberty had already secured to herself a gentle refuge in the 
groves of the Academy — there, still to the last, the Grecian in- 
tellect maintains the same social, humanizing, practical aspect. 
The immense mind of Aristotle gathers together, as in a treas- 
ure-house, for future ages, all that was valuable in the knowledge 
that informs us of the earth on which we dwell — the political 
constitutions of States and their results on the character of na- 
tions, the science of ethics, the analysis of ideas, natural history, 
physical science, critical investigation, otnne tmtnensum peragravit; 
and all that he collects from wisdom he applies to the earthly 
uses of man. Yet it is not by the tutor of Alexander, but by 
the pupil of Socrates, that our vast debt to the Grecian mind is 
completed. When we remount from Aristotle to his great mas- 
ter Plato, it is as if we looked from nature up to nature's God. 
There, amidst the decline of freedom, the corruption of manners 
— just before the date when, with the fall of Athens, the beauti- 
ful ideal of sensuous life faded mournfully away — there, on that 
verge of time, stands the consoling Plato, preparing philosophy 
to receive the Christian dispensation, by opening the gates of the 
Infinite, and proclaiming the immortality of the soul. Thus the 
Grecian genius, ever kindly and benignant, first appears to 
awaken man from the sloth of the senses, to enlarge the bound- 
aries of self, to connect the desire of glory with the sanctity of 
household ties, to raise up, in luminous contrast with the inert 
despotism of the old Eastern World, the energies of freemen, 
the duties of citizens; and, finally, accomplishing its mission as 
the visible Iris to States and heroes, it melts into the rainbow, 
announcing a more sacred covenant, and spans the streams of the 
heathen Orcus with an arch lost in the Christian's heaven. 

I have so exhausted your patience in what I have thus said 
of the Grecian literature, that I must limit closely my remarks 
upon the Roman. And here, indeed, the subject does not require 
the same space. In Greek literature all is fresh and original; its 
very art is but the happiest selection from natural objects, knit 
together with the zone of the careless Graces. But Latin litera- 
ture is borrowed and adapted, and, like all imitations, we per- 



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ceive at once that it is artificial. But in this imitation it has 
such exquisite taste, in this artificiality there is so much refine- 
nient of polish, so much stateliness of pomp, that it assumes an 
originality of its own. It has not found its jewels in native 
mines, but it takes them with a conqueror's hand and weaves 
them into regal diadems. Dignity and polish are the especial at- 
tributes of Latin literature in its happiest age; it betrays the ha- 
bitual influence of an aristocracy, wealthy, magnificent, and learned. 
To borrow a phrase from Persius, its words sweep along as if 
clothed with the toga. Whether we take the sonorous lines of 
Virgil or the swelling periods of Cicero, the easier dignity of 
Sallust, or the patrician simplicity of Csesar, we are sensible that 
we are with a race accustomed to a measured decorum, a majes- 
tic self-control, unfamiliar to the more lively impulse of small 
Greek communities. There is a greater demarcation between the 
intellect of the writer and the homely sense of the multitude. 
The Latin writers seek to link themselves to posterity rather 
through a succession of select and well-bred admirers than by cor- 
dial identification with the passions and interests of the profane 
vulgar. Even Horace himself, so brilliant and easy, and so con- 
scious of his monumentum are perenniuSy affects disdain of popu- 
lar applause and informs us, with a kind of pride, that his satires 
had no vogue in the haunts of the common people. Every bold 
schoolboy takes at once to Homer, but it is only the fine taste of 
the scholar that thoroughly appreciates Virgil, and only the ex- 
perienced man of the world who discovers all the delicate wit, 
all the exquisite urbanity of sentiment, that win our affection to 
Horace in proportion as we advance in life. In short, the Greek 
writers warm and elevate our emotions as men — the Latin writ- 
ers temper emotions to the stately reserve of highborn gentle- 
men. The Greeks fire us more to the inspirations of poetry, or, 
as in Plato and parts of Demosthenes, to that sublimer prose to 
which poetry is akin; but the Latin writers are, perhaps, on the 
whole, though I say it with hesitation, safer models for that accu- 
rate construction and decorous elegance by which classical prose 
attains critical perfection. Nor is this elegance effeminate, but, 
on the contrary, nervous and robust, though, like the statue of 
Apollo, the strengfth of the muscle is concealed by the undulation 
of the curves. But there is this, as a general result from the 
study of ancient letters, whether Greek or Roman, — both are the 
literature of grand races, of free men and brave hearts; both 



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LORD LYTTON 



abound in generous thoughts and high examples; both, whatever 
their occasional license, inculcate, upon the whole, the habitual 
practice of manly virtues; both glow with the love of country; 
both are animated by the desire of fame and honor. Therefore, 
whatever be our future profession and pursuit, however they may 
take us from the scholastic closet and forbid any frequent return 
to the classic studies of our youth, still he whose early steps have 
been led into that land of demigods and heroes will find that its 
very air has enriched through life the blood of his thoughts, that 
he quits the soil with a front which the Greek has directed 
towards the stars, and a step which imperial Rome has disciplined 
to the march that carried her eagles round the world. 

Not in vain do these lessons appeal to the youth of Scotland. 
From this capital, still as from the elder Athens, stream the 
lights of philosophy and learning. But your coimtrymen are 
not less renowned for the qualities of action than for those of 
thought. And you whom I address will carry with you, in your 
several paths to fortune, your national attributes of reflective 
judgment and dauntless courage. I see an eventful and stirring 
age expand before the rising generation. In that grand contest 
between new ideas and ancient forms, which may be still more 
keenly urged before this century expires, whatever your differ- 
ences of political opinion, I adjure you to hold fast' to the vital 
principle of civilization. What is that principle ? It is the union 
of liberty with order. The art to preserve this union has often 
baffled the wisest statesmen in stormy times; but the task be- 
comes easy at once, if the people whom they seek to guide will 
but carry into public affairs the same prudent consideration which 
commands prosperity in private business. You have already de- 
rived from your ancestors an immense capital of political free- 
dom; increase it if you will, — but by solid investments, not by 
hazardous speculations. You will hear much of the necessity of 
progress, and truly, — for where progress ends decline invariably 
begins, — but remember that the healthful progress of society is 
like the natural life of man: it consists in the gradual and har- 
monious development of all its constitutional powers, all its com- 
ponent parts, and you introduce weakness and disease into the 
whole system, whether you attempt to stint or to force the growth. 
The old homely rule you prescribe to individuals is applicable to 
a State: *Keep the limbs warm by exercise, and keep the head 
cool by temperance.* But new ideas do not invade only our 



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LORD LYTTON 



2875 



political systems; you will find them wherever you turn. Philos- 
ophy has altered the directions it favored in the last century — it 
enters less into metaphysical inquiry; it questions less the rela- 
tionships between man and his Maker; it assumes its practical 
character as the investigator of external nature, and seeks to 
adapt agencies before partially concealed to the positive uses of 
man. Here I leave you to your own bold researches; you can- 
not be much misled if you remember the maxim to observe 
with vigilance and inquire with conscientious care. Nor is it 
necessary that I should admonish the sons of religious Scotland 
that the most daring speculations as to nature may be accom- 
panied with the humblest faith in those sublime doctrines that 
oi)en heaven alike to the wisest philosopher and the simplest 
peasant. I do not presume to arrogate the office of a preacher; 
but, believe me, as a man of books and a man of the world, 
that you inherit a religion which, in its most familiar form, in 
the lowly prayer that you have learned from your mother's lips, 
will save you from the temptations to which life is exposed more 
surely than all which the pride of philosophy can teach. Nor 
can I believe that the man will ever go very far or very obsti- 
nately wrong who, by the mere habit of thanksgiving and prayer, 
will be forced to examine his conscience even but once a day 
and remember that the eye of the Almighty is upon him. 

One word further. Nothing to my mind preserves a brave 
people true and firm to its hereditary virtues more than a de- 
vout though liberal spirit of nationality. And it is not because 
Scotland is united with England that the Scotchman should for- 
get the glories of his annals, the tombs of his ancestors, or relax 
one jot of his love for his native soil. I say not this to flatter 
you, — I say it not for Scotland alone. I say it for the sake of 
the empire. For sure I am that, if ever the step of the invader 
should land upon these kindred shores — there, wherever the na- 
tional spirit is the most strongly felt — there, where the local 
afiEections most animate the breast — ^.there will our defenders be 
the bravest. It would ill become me to enter into the special 
grounds of debate now at issue, but permit me to remind you 
that, while pressing with your accustomed spirit for whatever 
you may deem to be equal rights, you would be unjust to your 
own fame if you did not feel that the true majesty of Scotland 
needs neither the pomp of courts nor the blazonry of heralds. 
What though Holy rood be desolate — what though no king holds 



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2874 LORD LYTTON 

revels in its halls? — the empire of Scotland has but extended its 
range, and, blended with England, tinder the daughter of your 
ancient kings, peoples the Australian wilds that lay beyond the 
chart of Columbus and rules over the Indian realms that eluded 
the grasp of Alexander. That empire does not suffice for you. 
It may decay — it may perish. More grand is the domain you 
have won over human thought, and identified with the eternal 
progress of intellect and freedom. From the charter of that do- 
main no ceremonial can displace the impression of your seal. 
In the van of that progress no blazon can flaunt before that old 
Lion of Scotland [pointing to the flag suspended opposite]. This 
is the empire that you will adorn in peace; this is the empire 
that, if need be, you will defend in war. It is not here that I 
would provoke one di£Ference in political opinion, — but surely 
you, the sons of Scotland, who hold both fame and power upon 
the same tenure as that which secures civilization from lawless 
force, — surely you are not the men who could contemplate with 
folded arms the return of the Dark Ages and quietly render up 
the haven that commands Asia on the one side and threatens 
Europe on the other, to the barbaric ambition of some Alaric of 
the North. But, whether in reluctant war or in happier peace, I 
can but bid you to be mindful of your fathers! Learn from 
them how duties fulfilled in the world become honors after 
death; and .in your various callings continue to maintain for 
Scotland her sublime alliance with every power of mind that caa 
defend or instruct, soothe or exalt humanity. 



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POETS' CORNER, WESTMINSTER ABBEY 

After a Photograph taken for The Werner Company. Reprodtwed by 

Permission. 



^ACAULAY and Sheridan are both buried in the Poets' Corner — not by 
accident but by right of having made a different application of the 
same gifts which made them orators. The clauses of Macaulay s 
orations often balance each other almost xis exactly in musical time as the 
verses of his Lays of Ancient Rome. Many of the greatest orators of Eng- 
land and France were poets. No doubt the others could have been had they 
taken tho pains. 




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2875 




THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 

(BARON MACAULAY) 

(1800-1859) 

^T WAS said of Macattlay's conyersation that those who heard 
him never had the need — and seldom had the time — to 
think twice in order to understand him. 
That he desenred this compliment — one of the highest which 
conld be paid him as a writer — he shows alike in his essays, his 
history, his speeches, and his poems. Since the time of Cicero, he is 
the greatest master of Incid and ezhanstiye statement Indeed, it may 
be said of him without great risk of exaggeration, that in the artistic 
handling of cumulative clauses he is one of Cicero's greatest pupils, 
frequently equaling Cicero at his best, and sometimes surpassing him. 
Generous in his sympathies, liberal in his ideas, learned as few men 
of his own time or any other have been, having a memory retentive 
almost beyond belief, and an almost unequaled facility of expression, 
he became easily one of the ablest men of the nineteenth century, 
lacking nothing of greatness that the cultivation of the intellect could 
give him. What he did lack Emerson tells us plainly and compre- 
hensively. *The brilliant Macaulay,* he says, *who expresses the 
tone of the English governing classes of his day, explicitly teaches 
that *good^ means ^good to eat,' ^good to wear'— a material com* 
modity.* 

Undoubtedly Macaulay believed in comfort. He has been called 
a very happy man, and he was certainly a very comfortable one. 
Never married, knowing nothing of the education of the deepest emo- 
tions which come from life in the family; admired as no other Eng- 
lish essayist and historian had ever been; commanding unprecedented 
prices for his work; listened to with respect in the Cabinet and with 
rapt attention in Parliament; surrounded at home by well-loved 
books, whose contents he assimilated seemingly without effort; de- 
voted to his work in literature; full of the broad sympathies with 
progress which made his public life a blessing to himself and to the 
world, — he lacked only the contradiction, the disturbance, the diffi- 
culty which Mr. Gladstone calls *the rude and rocking cradle of 
every kind of excellence * to make him a greater orator than Burke, 
a greater statesman than Chatham. But, taking his life for what it 



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THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 



was and his work for what it is, there is room in reason and in 
gratitude for nothing bnt thanks and praise. As an orator he illus- 
trates the same perfection of Incid style which immortalizes his 
Essays. This is shown in his address, <The Literature of England,^ 
as it is in the abler address, ^Popular Education.^ It must not be 
forgotten in considering the latter address, that however common- 
place the great ideas it expresses may now seem to be, his genius 
in giving them expression so fit and memorable could not have 
failed to do much to give them that currency and vogue which fin- 
ally achieve their triumph in becoming the commonplace. 

Macaulay was bom October 25th, 1800, and educated at Trinity 
College, Cambridge. He entered public life as a Member of Parlia- 
ment in 1830 and divided his time between public afiEairs and literar 
ture until his death, December 28th, 1859. He was a member of the 
Supreme Council of India, and, after his return to England, served 
twice in the Cabinet. In 1857 he was raised to the peerage as *Baron 
Macaulay of Rothley.* With Brougham he forms the connecting 
link between the great English Whig orators of the American Revo- 
lutionary period and the * Gladstone Liberals* of the second half of 
the nineteenth century. W. V. B. 



THE LITERATURE OP ENGLAND 

(Delivered at the openii^ of the Edinburgh Philosophical Institntioa, on 
November 4th, 1846) 

I THANK you, gentlemen, for this cordial reception. I have 
thought it right to steal a short time from duties not unim- 
portant for the purpose of lending my aid to an undertaking 
calculated, as I think, to raise the credit and to promote the best 
interests of the city, which has so many claims on my gratitude. 
The Directors of our Institution have requested me to propose 
to you as a toast* The Literature of Britain.* They could not 
have assigned to me a more agreeable duty. The chief object of 
this Institution is, I conceive, to impart knowledge through the 
medium of our own language. Edinburgh is already rich in li- 
braries worthy of her fame as a seat of literature and a seat of 
jurisprudence. A man of letters can here, without difficulty, ob- 
tain access to repositories filled with the wisdom of many ages 
and of many nations. But something was still wanting. We 
still wanted a library open to that large, that important, that re- 
spectable class which, though by no means destitute of liberal 



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THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 



2877 



cariosity or of sensibility to literary pleasures, is yet forced to be 
content with what is written in our own tongue. For that class 
especially, I do not say exclusively, this library is intended. Our 
directors, I hope, will not be satisfied — I as a member shall cer* 
tamly not be satisfied — till we possess a noble and complete coU 
lection of English books, — till it is impossible to seek in vain on 
our shelves for a single English book which is valuable either on 
account of matter or on account of manner; which throws anj 
light on our civil, ecclesiastical, intellectual, or social history: 
which, in short, can afford either useful instruction or harmless 
amusement. 

From such a collection, placed within the reach of that large 
and valuable class which I have mentioned, I am disposed to ex« 
pect great good. And when I say this, I do not take into the 
account those rare cases to which my valued friend, the Lord 
Provost, so happily alluded. It is, indeed, not impossible that 
some man of genius who may enrich our literature with imper* 
ishable eloquence and song, or who may extend the empire of 
our race over matter, may feel in our reading room, for the first 
time, the consciousness of powers yet tmdeveloped. It is not 
impossible that our volumes may suggest the first thought of 
something great to some future Bums, or Watt, or Arkwright. 
But I do not speak of these extraordinary cases. What I con- 
fidently anticipate is that, through the whole of that class whose 
benefit we have peculiarly in view, there will be a moral and 
intellectual improvement; that many hours, which might other- 
wise be wasted in folly or in vice, will be employed in pursuits 
which, while they afford the highest and most lasting pleasure, 
are not only harmless, but purifjring and elevating. My own 
experience, my own observation, justifies me in entertaining this 
hope. I have had opportunities, both in this and in other coun- 
tries, of forming some estimate of the effect which is likely to 
be produced by a good collection of books on a society of young 
men. There is, I will venture to say, no judicious commanding 
ofl&cer of a regiment who will not tell you that the vicinity of a 
valuable library will improve perceptibly the whole character of 
a mess. I well knew one eminent military servant of the East 
India Company, a man of great and various accomplishments, 
a man honorably distinguished both in war and in diplomacy, a 
man who enjoyed the confidence of some of the greatest gener* 
als and statesmen of our time. When I asked him how, having 



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THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 



left his cotintry while still a boy, and having passed his youth at 
military stations in India, he had been able to educate himself, 
his answer was, that he had been stationed in the neighborhood 
of an excellent library, that he had been allowed free access to 
the books, and that they had, at the most critical time of his 
Ufe, decided his character, and saved him from being a mere 
smoking, card-playing, punch-drinking lounger. 

Some of the objections which have been made to such insti- 
tutions as ours have been so happily and completely refuted by 
my friend, the Lord Provost, and by the Most Reverend Prelate, 
who has honored us with his presence this evening, that it would 
be idle to say again what has been so well said. There is, how- 
ever, one objection which, with your permission, I will notice. 
Some men, of whom I wish to speak with great respect, are 
haunted, as it seems to me, with an unreasonable fear of what 
they call superficial knowledge. Knowledge, they say, which 
really deserves the name, is a great blessing to mankind, the 
ally of virtue, the harbinger of freedom. But such knowledge 
must be profound. A crowd of people who have a smattering 
of mathematics, a smattering of astronomy, a smattering of 
chemistry, who have read a little poetry and a little history, is 
dangerous to the commonwealth. Such half knowledge is worse 
than ignorance. And then the authority of Pope is vouched. 
Drink deep or taste not; shallow draughts intoxicate; drink 
largely and that will sober you. I must confess that the danger 
which alarms these gentlemen never seemed to me very serious; 
and my reason is this: that I never could prevail on any person 
who pronounced superficial knowledge a curse and profoimd 
knowledge a blessing to tell me what was his standard of pro- 
fundity. The argument proceeds on the supposition that there 
is some line between profound and superficial knowledge similar 
to that which separates truth from falsehood. I know of no such 
line. When we talk of men of deep science, do we mean that 
they have got to the bottom or near the bottom of science? Do 
we mean that they know all that is capable of being known? 
Do we mean even that they know, in their own special depart- 
ment, all that the smatterers of the next generation will know? 
Why, if we compare the little truth that we know with the in- 
finite mass of truth which we do not know, we are all shallow 
together, and the greatest philosophers that ever lived would be 
the first to confess their shallowness. If we could call up the 



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THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 



2879 



first of human beings, if we could call up Newton and ask him 
whether, even in those sciences in which he had no rival, he 
considered himself as profoundly knowing, he would have told 
us that he was but a smatterer like otirselves and that the dif- 
ference between his knowledge and ours vanished when com- 
pared with the quantity of truth still undiscovered, just as the 
distance between a person at the foot of Ben Lomond and one at 
the top of Ben Lomond vanishes when compared with the dis- 
tance of the fixed stars. 

It is evident, then, that those who are afraid of superficial 
knowledge do not mean by superficial knowledge, knowledge 
which is superficial when compared with the whole quantity of 
truth capable of being known. For, in that sense, all human 
knowledge is, and always has been, and always must be, superfi- 
cial. What, then, is the standard ? Is it the same two years to- 
gether in any country ? Is it the same, at the same moment, in 
any two countries ? Is it not notorious that the profundity of one 
age is the shallowness of the next; that the profundity of one 
nation is the shallowness of a neighboring nation ? Ramohun Roy 
passed, among Hindoos, for a man of profound Western learning; 
but he would have been but a very superficial member of this 
institute. Strabo was justly entitled to be called a profound 
geographer eighteen hundred years ago; but a teacher of geo- 
graphy who had never heard of America would now be laughed 
at by the girls of a boarding school. What would now be thought 
of the greatest chemist of 1746 or of the greatest geologist of 
1746 ? The truth is that, in all experimental science, mankind is, 
of necessity, constantly advancing. Every generation, of course, 
has its front rank and its rear rank; but the rear rank of a later 
generation occupies the ground which was occupied by the front 
rank of a former generation. 

You remember Gulliver's adventures. First he is shipwrecked 
in a country of little men, and he is a Colossus among them. 
He strides over the walls of their capital; he stands higher than 
the cupola of their great temple; he tugs after him a royal fleet; 
he stretches his legs, and a royal army, with drums beating and 
colors flying, marches through the gigantic arch; he devours a 
whole granary for breakfast, eats a herd of cattle for dinner, and 
washes down his meal with all the hogsheads of a cellar. In 
his next voyage he is among men sixty feet high. He who in 
LiUiput used to take people up in his hand in order that he 



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388o THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 

might be able to hear them, is himself taken up in the hands 
and held to the ears of his masters. It is all that he can do to 
defend himself with his hanger against the rats and mice. The 
court ladies amuse themselves with seeing him fight wasps and 
frogs; the monkey runs ofE with him to the chimney top; the 
dwarf drops him into the cream jug and leaves him to swim for 
his life. Now, was Grulliver a tall or a short man ? Why, in his 
own house at Rotherhithe, he was thought a man of the ordinary 
stature. Take him to Lilliput, and he is Quinbus Flestrin, the 
Man Mountain. Take him to Brobdingnag, and he is Grildig, 
the little Manikin. It is the same in science. The pigmies of 
one society would have passed for giants in another. 

It might be amusing to institute a comparison between one 
of the profoundly learned men of the thirteenth century and one 
of the superficial students who will frequent our library. Take 
the great philosopher of the time of Henry III. of England, 
or Alexander III. of Scotland, the man renowned all over the 
island, and even as far as Italy and Spain, as the first of as- 
tronomers and chemists. What is his astronomy ? He is a firm 
believer in the Ptolemaic system. He never heard of the law of 
gravitation. Tell him that the succession of day and night is 
caused by the turning of the earth on its axis. Tell him that in 
consequence of this motion, the polar diameter of the earth is 
shorter than the equatorial diameter. Tell him that the succes- 
sion of summer and winter is caused by the revolution of the 
earth round the sun. If he does not set you down for an idiot, 
he lays an information against you before the Bishop and has 
you burned for a heretic. To do him justice, however, if he is ill 
informed on these points, there are other points on which New- 
ton and Laplace were mere children when compared with him. 
He can cast your nativity. He knows what will happen when 
Saturn is in the House of Life, and what will happen when Mars 
is in conjunction with the Dragon's Tail. He can read in the 
stars whether an expedition will be successful; whether the next 
harvest will be plentiful; which of your children will be fortunate 
in marriage, and which will be lost at sea. Happy the State, 
happy the family, which is guided by the counsels of so profound 
a man! And what but mischief, public and private, can we ex- 
pect from the temerity and conceit of sciolists who know no 
more about the heavenly bodies than what they have learned 
from Sir John Herschel's beautiful little volume ? But, to speak 



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THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 288 1 

seriously, is not a little truth better than a great deal of false- 
hood ? Is not the man who, in the evenings of a fortnight, has 
acquired a correct notion of the solar system a more profound 
astronomer than a man who has passed thirty years in reading 
lectures about the primum mobile and in drawing schemes of 
horoscopes ? 

Or take chemistry. Our philosopher of the thirteenth century 
shall be, if you please, a universal genius, chemist as well as as- 
tronomer. He has, perhaps, got so far as to know that if he 
mix charcoal and saltpetre in certain proportions and then apply 
fire, there will be an explosion which will shatter all his retorts 
and aludels; and he is proud of knowing what will, in a later 
age, be familiar to all the idle boys in the kingdom. But there 
are departments of science in which he need not fear the rivalry 
of Black, or Lavoisier, or Cavendish, or Davy. He is in hot pur- 
suit of the Philosopher's Stone, of the stone that is to bestow 
wealth, and health, and longevity. He has a long array of 
strangely shaped vessels, filled with red oil and white oil, con- 
stantly boiling. The moment of projection is at hand, and soon 
all his kettles and gridirons will be turned into pure gold. Poor 
Professor Faraday can do nothing of the sort. I should deceive 
you if I held out to you the smallest hope that he will ever 
turn your halfpence into sovereigns. But if you can induce him 
to give at our institute a course of lectures such as I once heard 
him give at the Royal Institution to children in the Christmas 
holidays, I can promise you that you will know more about the 
effects produced on bodies by heat and moisture than was known 
to some alchemists who, in the Middle Ages, were thought worthy 
of the patronage of kings. 

As it has been in science, so it has been in literature. Com- 
pare the literary acquirements of the great men of the thirteenth 
century with those which will be within the reach of many who 
will frequent our reading room. As to Greek learning, the pro- 
found man of the thirteenth century was absolutely on a par 
with the superficial man of the nineteenth. In the modem lan- 
guages, there was not, six hundred years ago, a single volume 
which is now read. The library of our profound scholar must 
have consisted entirely of Latin books. We will suppose him to 
have had both a large and choice collection. We will allow him 
thirty, nay forty manuscripts, and among them a Virgil, a Ter- 
ence, a Lucan, an Ovid, a Statius, a great deal of Livy, a great 
VIII— 181 



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2882 THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 

deal of Cicero. In allowing him all this, we are dealing most 
liberally with him; for it is much more likely that his shelves 
were filled with treatises on school divinity and canon law, com- 
posed by writers whose names the world has very wisely for- 
gotten. But even if we suppose him to have possessed all that 
is most valuable in the literature of Rome, I say with perfect 
confidence that, both in respect of intellectual improvement and 
in respect of intellectual pleasures, he was far less favorably 
situated than a man who now, knowing only the English lan- 
guage, has a bookcase filled with the best English works. Our 
great man of the Middle Ages could not form 'any conception of 
any tragedy approaching ^ Macbeth^ or ^Lear,' or of any comedy 
equal to * Henry IV.* or ^Twelfth Night.* The best epic poem 
that he had read was far inferior to the ^Paradise Lost*; and 
all the tomes of his philosophers were not worth a page of the 
* Novum Organum.* 

The * Novum Organum,* it is true, persons who know only Eng- 
lish must read in a translation, and this reminds me of one great 
advantage which such persons will derive from our institution. 
They will, in our library, be able to form some acquaintance with 
the master minds of remote ages and foreign countries. A large 
part of what is best worth knowing in ancient literature, and in 
the literature of France, Italy, Germany, and Spain, has been 
translated into our own tongue. It is scarcely possible that the 
translation of any book of the highest class can be equal to the 
original. But, though the finer touches may be lost in the copy, 
the great outlines will remain. An Englishman who never saw 
the frescoes in the Vatican may yet, from engravings, form some 
notion of the exquisite grace of Raphael and of the sublimity and 
energy of Michael Angelo. And so the genius of Homer is seen in 
the poorest version of the * Iliad * ; the genius of Cervantes is seen 
in the poorest version of *Don Quixote.* Let it not be supposed 
that I wish to dissuade any person from studying either the 
ancient languages or the languages of modem Europe. Far from 
it. I prize most highly those keys of knowledge, and I think 
that no man who has leisure for study ought to be content until 
he possesses several of them. I have always much admired a 
saying of the Emperor Charles V. : — ^ When I learn a new lan- 
guage, I feel as if I had got a new soul.** But I would console 
those who have not time to make themselves linguists, by assur- 
ing them that, by means of their own mother tongue, they may 



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THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 2883 

obtain ready access to vast intellectual treasures, to treasures 
such as might have been envied by the greatest linguists of the 
age of Charles V., to treasures surpassing those which were pos- 
sessed by Aldus, by Erasmus, and by Melanchthon. 

And thus I am brought back to the point from which I 
started. I have been requested to invite you to fill your glasses 
to the Literature of Britain; to that literature, the brightest, the 
purest, the most durable of all the glories of our country; to 
that literature, so rich in precious truth and precious fiction; to 
that literature which boasts of the prince of all poets and of the 
prince of all philosophers; to that literature which has exercised 
an influence wider than that of our commerce, and mightier than 
that of our arms; to that literature which has taught France the 
principles of liberty, and has furnished Germany with models of 
art; to that literature which forms a tie closer than the tie of 
consanguinity between us and the commonwealths of the Valley 
of the Mississippi; to that literature before the light of which 
impious and cruel superstitions are fast taking flight on the 
banks of the Ganges; to that literature which will, in future ages, 
instruct and delight the unborn milUons who will have turned 
the Australasian and Caffrarian deserts into cities and gardens. 
To the Literature of Britain, then! And, wherever British Utera- 
tnre spreads^ may it be attended by British virtue and by British 
freedom! 



POPULAR EDUCATION 
(From a Speech in the House of Commons, April 19th, 1847) 

r: education of the people is not only a means, but the best 
means, of attaining that which all allow to be a chief end 
of government; and, if this be so, it passes my faculties to 
understand how any man can gravely contend that government 
has nothing to do with the education of the people. 

My confidence in my opinion is strengthened when I recollect 
that I hold that opinion in common with all the greatest law- 
givers, statesmen, and political philosophers of all nations and 
ages, with all the most illustrious champions of civil and spiritual 
freedom, and especially with those men whose names were once 
held in the highest veneration by the Protestant Dissenters of 
England. I might cite many of the most venerable names of 



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2884 



THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 



the Old World, but I would rather cite the example of that 
country which the supporters of the Voluntary system here are 
always recommending to us as a pattern. Go back to the days 
when the little society which has expanded into the opulent and 
enlightened Commonwealth of Massachusetts began to exist. Our 
modem Dissenters will scarcely, I think, venture to speak con- 
tttmeliously of those Puritans whose spirit Laud and his High 
Commission Court could not subdue, of those Puritans who were 
willing to leave home and kindred, and all the comforts and re- 
finements of civilized life, to cross the ocean to fix their abodes 
in forests among wild beasts and wild men rather than commit 
the sin of performing, in the House of God, one gesture which 
they believed to be displeasing to him. Did those brave exiles 
think it inconsistent with civil or religious freedom that the State 
should take charge of the education of the people? No, sir; one 
of the earliest laws enacted by the Puritan colonists was that 
every township, as soon as the Lord had increased it to the 
number of fifty houses, should appoint one to teach all children 
to write and read, and that every township of a hundred houses 
should set up a grammar school. Nor have the descendants of 
those who made this law ever ceased to hold that the' public au- 
thorities were bound to provide the means of public instruction. 
Nor is this doctrine confined to New England. * Educate the 
people * was the first admonition addressed by Penn to the colony 
which he founded. * Educate the people* was the legacy of 
Washington to the nation which he had saved. ^ Educate the 
people* was the unceasing exhortation of Jefferson; and I quote 
Jefferson with peculiar pleasure, because, of all the eminent men 
that have ever lived, Adam Smith himself not excepted, Jeffer- 
son was the one who most abhorred everything like meddling on 
the part of governments. Yet the chief business of his later 
years was to establish a good system of State education in Vir- 
ginia. 

And against such authority as this, what have you who take 
the other side to show? Can you mention a single great philoso- 
pher, a single man distinguished by his zeal for liberty, human- 
ity, and truth, who from the beginning of the world down to the 
time of this present Parliament ever held your doctrines? You 
can oppose to the unanimous voice of all the wise and good, of 
all ages and of both hemispheres, nothing but a clamor which 
was first heard a few months ago, a clamor in which you can- 



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THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 



2885 



not join without condemning, not only all whose memory you 
profess to hold in reverence, but even your former selves. 

This new theory of politics has at least the merit of original- 
ity. It may be fairly stated thus: All men have hitherto been 
utterly in the wrong as to the nature and objects of civil govern- 
ment. The great truth, hidden from every preceding generation, 
and at length revealed, in the year 1846, to some highly respect- 
able ministers and elders of dissenting congregations, is this: 
Government is simply a great hangman. Government ought to 
do nothing except by harsh and degrading means. The one busi- 
ness of Government is to handcuff, and lock up, and scourge, and 
shoot, and stab, and strangle. It is odious tyranny in a govern- 
ment to attempt to prevent crime by informing the tmderstand- 
ing and elevating the moral feeling of a people. A statesman 
may see hamlets turned, in the course of one generation, into 
great seaport towns and manufacturing towns. He may know 
that on the character of the vast population which is collected in 
those wonderful towns, depends the prosperity, the peace, the 
very existence of society. But he must not think of forming that 
character. He is an enemy of public liberty if he attempt to 
prevent those hundreds of thousands of his countrymen from be- 
coming mere Yahoos. He may, indeed, build barrack after bar- 
rack to overawe them. If they break out into insurrection, he 
may send cavalry to sabre them; he may mow them down with 
grape shot; he may hang them, draw them, quarter them — any- 
thing but teach them. He may see, and may shudder as he sees, 
throughout large rural districts, millions of infants growing up 
from infancy to manhood as ignorant, as mere slaves of sensual 
appetite, as the beasts that perish. No matter. He is a traitor to 
the cause of civil and religious freedom if he does not look on 
with folded arms, while absurd hopes and evil passions ripen in 
that rank soil. He must wait for the day of his harvest. He 
must wait till the Jaquerie comes, till farmhouses are burning, 
till threshing machines are broken in pieces; and then begins 
his business, which is simply to send one poor ignorant savage to' 
the county gaol, and another to the antipodes, and a third to the 
gallows. 



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2885 THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 

A TRIBUTE TO THE JEWS 
(Delivered in the Hotise of Commons, April 17th, 1833) 

THE honorable Member for Oldham tells us that the Jews are 
naturally a mean race, a sordid race, a money-getting race; 
that they are averse to all honorable callings; that they 
neither sow nor reap; that they have neither flocks nor herds; 
that usury is the only pursuit for which they are fit; that they 
are destitute of all elevated and amiable sentiments. Such, sir, 
has in every age been the reasoning of bigots. They never fail 
to plead in justification of persecution the vices which persecu- 
tion has engendered. England has been to the Jews less than 
half a country, and we revile them because they do not feel for 
England more than a half patriotism. We treat them as slaves, 
and wonder that they do not regard us as brethren. We drive 
them to mean occupations, and then reproach them for not em- 
bracing honorable professions. We long forbade them to possess 
land, and we complain that they chiefly occupy themselves in 
trade. We shut them out from all the paths of ambition, and 
then we despise them for taking refuge in avarice. During many 
ages we have, in all our dealing with them, abused our immense 
superiority of force, and then we are disgusted because they 
have recourse to that cunning which is the natural and universal 
defense of the weak against the violence of the strong. But 
were they always a mere money-changing, money-getting, money- 
hoarding race ? Nobody knows better than my honorable friend, 
the Member for the University of Oxford, that there is nothing 
in their national character which unfits them for the highest 
duties of citizens. He knows that in the infancy of civilization, 
when our island was as savage as New Guinea, when letters and 
arts were still unknown to Athens, when scarcely a thatched hut 
stood on what was afterwards the site of Rome, this contemned 
people had their fenced cities and cedar palaces, their splendid 
Temple, their fleets of merchant ships, their schools of sacred learn- 
ing, their great statesmen and soldiers, their natural philosophers, 
their historians, and their poets. What nation ever contended 
more manfully against overwhelming odds for its independ- 
ence and religion? What nation ever in its last agonies gave 
such signal proofs of what may be accomplished by a brave 
despair? And if, in the course of many centuries, the oppressed 



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THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 



3887 



descendants of warriors and sages have degenerated from the 
qualities of their fathers; if^ while excluded from the blessings of 
law, and bowed down imder the yoke of slavery, they have con- 
tracted some of the vices of outlaws and of slaves, shall we con- 
sider this as matter of reproach to them? Shall we not rather 
consider it as matter of shame and remorse to ourselves? Let 
us do justice to them. Let us open to them the door of the 
House of Commons. Let us open to them every career in which 
ability and energy can be displayed. Till we have done this, 
let us not presume to say that there is no genius among the 
countrymen of Isaiah, — no heroism among the descendants of the 
Maccabees. 

Sir, in supporting the motion of my honorable friend, I am, I 
firmly beUeve, supporting the honor and the interests of the 
Christian religion. I should think that I insulted that teUgion if 
I said that it cannot stand unaided by intolerant laws. Without 
such laws it was established, and without such laws it may be 
maintained. It triumphed over the superstitions of the most re- 
fined and of the most savage nations, over the graceful mythol- 
ogy of Greece and the bloody idolatry of the northern forests. 
It prevailed over the power and policy of the Roman Empire. 
It tamed the barbarians by whom that empire was overthrown. 
But all these victories were gained, not by the help of intoler- 
ance, but in spite of the opposition of intolerance. The whole 
history of Christianity proves that she has little, indeed, to fear 
from persecution as a foe, but much to bear from persecution as 
an ally. May she long continue to bless our country with her 
benignant influence, strong in her sublime philosophy, strong in 
her spotless morality, strong in those internal and external evi- 
dences to which the most powerful and comprehensive of human 
intellects have yielded assent, the last solace of those who have 
outlived every earthly hope, the last restraint of those who are 
raised above every earthly fear! But let not us, mistaking her 
character and her interests, fight the battle of truth with weapons 
of error, and endeavor to support by oppression that religion 
which first taught the human race the great lesson of universal 
charity. 



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2888 THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 

CONSENT OR FORCE IN GOVERNMENT 
(From a Speech in the House of Commons, October loth, 1831) 

IT IS easy to say: *Be bold; be firm; defy intimidation; let the 
law have its course; the law is strong enough to put down 

the seditious.* Sir, we have heard this blustering before, 
and we know in what it ended. It is the blustering of little 
men, whose lot has fallen on a great crisis. Xerxes scourging 
the waves, Canute commanding the waves to recede from his 
footstool, were but types of the folly. The law has no eyes; the 
law has no hands; the law is nothing — nothing but a piece of 
paper printed by the king's printer, with the king's arms at the 
top — till public opinion breathes the breath of life into the dead 
letter. We found this in Ireland. The elections of 1826 — the 
Clare election, two years later — proved the folly of those who 
think that nations are governed by wax and parchment; and, at 
length, in the close of 1828, the government had only one plain 
alternative before it — concession or civil war. 

I know only two ways in which societies can permanently be 
governed — by public opinion and by the sword. A government 
having at its command the armies, the fleets, and the revenues 
of Great Britain, might possibly hold Ireland by the sword. So 
Oliver Cromwell held Ireland; so William III. held it; so Mr. 
Pitt held it; so the Duke of Wellington might, perhaps, have 
held it. But to govern Great Britain by the sword — so wild a 
thought has never, I will venture to say, occurred to any public 
man of any party; and, if any man were frantic enough to make 
the attempt, he would find, before three days had expired, that 
there is no better sword than that which is fashioned out of a 
plowshare! But if not by the sword, how are the people to be 
governed? I understand how the peace is kept at New York. 
It is by the assent and support of the people. I understand, 
also, how the peace is kept at Milan. It is by the bayonets of 
the Austrian soldiers. But how the peace is to be kept when 
you have neither the popular assent nor the military force, — 
how the peace is to be kept in England by a government acting 
on the principles of the present opposition, — I do not under- 
stand. 

Sir, we read that, in old times, when the villeins were driven 
to revolt by oppression, — when the castles of the nobility were 



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THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY 



3889 



burned to the ground, — when the warehouses of London were 
pillaged, — when a hundred thousand insurgents appeared in arms 
on Blackheath, — when a foul murder, perpetrated in their pres- 
ence, had raised their passions to madness,-r- when they were 
looking round for some captain to succeed and avenge him whom 
they had lost, — just then, before Hob Miller, or Tom Carter, or 
Jack Straw, could place himself at their head, the King rode 
up to them, and exclaimed: *I will be your leader!*^ — and at 
once the infuriated multitude laid down their arms, submitted to 
his guidance, dispersed at his command. Herein let us imitate 
him. Let us say to the people: •We are your leaders, — we, your 
own House of Commons.* This tone it is our interest and our 
duty to take. The circumstances admit of no delay. Even while 
I speak, the moments are passing away, — the irrevocable mo- 
ments, pregnant with the destiny of a great people. The coim- 
try is in danger; it may be saved: we can save it. This is the 
way — this is the time. In our hands are the issues of great 
good and great evil — the issues of the life and death of the 
SUte. 



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2890 



SIR JOHN ALEXANDER MACDONALD 

(1815-189I) 

JiR John A. Macdonald, who while he lived was called •the 
perpetual Premier of Canada,* was one of the most effective 
men who have figured in the political life of North America 
during the nineteenth century. He attempted to do and did do for 
the vast country north of the United States what Bismarck did in 
federating and nationalizing Grermany. At his death in 1891 he was 
compared to the greatest statesmen of his day. In his method he 
was said to be «Beaconsfield over again.* •He wished distinctly,* 
said the London Spectator, •to make of the northern half of the 
North American Continent a great and powerful State, — to weld all 
the peoples on it into a united nation, and to do this as long as 
possible under the shadow of the British throne.* 

It is for this work, marking him the strongest Canadian Conserva- 
tive of the nineteenth century, that he chiefly stands, but he did 
scarcely less notable work as a railway builder, and one of the great- 
est episodes of his political life was the successful Liberal attack on 
his party in 1873, when it was charged that the American promoters 
of the Canadian Pacific Company, of which Sir Hugh Allan was pres- 
ident, had contributed largely to Canadian Conservative campaign 
funds. After the Parliament had been prorogued, the Liberals de- 
nounced the prorogation, and in opening his speech on the whole 
subject. Sir John discussed prerogative and popular rights in a way 
which gave this part of his speech a lasting value as an expression 
of typical Conservative views. The peroration of this speech on the 
Washington Treaty is perhaps the best example of his thoroughly 
business-like method as a speaker. 

He was bom in Glasgow, Scotland, January nth, 181 5, but Uved 
in Canada from childhood. Called to the bar in 1836. he entered the 
Canadian Parliament (the old legislative assembly) as a Conservative 
in 1844, assuming very soon the leadership he held until his death. 
He was a member of the Executive Council and Receiver General in 
1847; Prime Minister in 1857 (for upper Canada) and 1858; again 
Prime Minister (after the Confederation), from 1868 to 1873; and for 
a third time from 1878 to his death in 1891. Of his work in confed- 
erating Canada, John Francis Waters, of Ottawa, wrote in 1890: — 

«Prom March doth, 1864, ^^^ the great measure of Confederation was an 
accomplished fact. Sir John sat in the assembly as leader of the Government 



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.S7A^ JOH^' A. MACDONALD. 

After a Photograph by Tophy, Ottaiua. 



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.SVA^ JOHN A. MAC DONALD. 

After a r/ioto^rap/i by Tophy, Ottawa. 



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THR NKW YORK 



A«r01. U5\0t AW) 



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SIR JOHN ALEXANDER MACDONALD 289 1 

forces. . . . The Conference at Charlottetown in 1864 was the precorsor 
of the famous Conference of Quebec, held in the same year, to formnlate a 
plan for the union of all the possessions of the Crown on the continent of 
North America. The Conference at Charlottetown had been originally con- 
vened merely to effect the union of the Maritime Provinces; but the evolution 
of the nobler and vaster plan was thenceforth inevitable. The London Colo- 
nial Conference, of which Sir John Macdonald was chairman, after having 
been a del^ate at the two conferences just named, was in session in 1866* 
67, when the Dominion of Canada received from the Parliament of the United 
Kingdom its charter and constitution in the shape of that act so often re- 
ferred to by constitutional writers and known as <The British North America 
Act' The fact that it was the Conservative leader who was summoned to 
form and carry on the Queen's government in Canada, after the Dominion 
was formed in 1867, should emphasise the fact that be was generally looked 
<m as having taken the most commanding part and as having done the most 
important work in welding the feeble and scattered Provinces into a strong 
and compact natkm.* 



ON THE TREATY OF WASHINGTON 

(Peroration of the Speech Delivered in the Canadian House of Commons, 

May 3d, 1873) 

1 SHALL now move the first reading of this bill, and I shall sim- 
ply sum up my remarks by saying that with respect to the 
treaty I consider that every portion of it is tmobjectionable 
to the country^ unless the articles connected with the fisheries 
may be considered objectionable. With respect to those articles, 
I ask this House fully and calmly to consider the circumstances, 
and I believe, if they fully consider the situation, that they will 
say that it is for the good of Canada that those articles should 
be ratified. Reject the treaty, and you do not get reciprocity; 
reject the treaty, and you leave the fishermen of the Maritime 
Provinces at the mercy of the Americans; reject the treaty, and 
you will cut the merchants engaged in that trade off from the 
American market; reject the treaty, and you will have a large 
annual expenditure in keeping up a marine police force to pro- 
tect those fisheries amotmting to about $84,000 per annum; re- 
ject the treaty, and you will have to call upon England to send 
her fieet and give you both her moral and physical support, al- 
though you will not adopt her policy; reject the treaty, and you 
will find that the bad feeling which formerly and until lately ex- 
isted in the United States against England will be transferred to 



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2892 SIR JOHN ALEXANDER MACDONALD 

Canada; that the United States will say, and say justly: *Here, 
when two great nations like England and the United States have 
settled all their differences and all their quarrels upon a perpet- 
ual basis, these happy results are to be frustrated and endangered 
by the Canadian people, because they have not got the value of 
their fish for ten years.* It has been said by the honorable gen- 
tleman on my left [Mr. Howe], in his speech to the Yoimg Men's 
Christian Association, that England had sacrificed the interests of 
Canada. If England has sacrificed the interests of Canada, what 
sacrifice has she not made in the cause of peace ? Has she not, 
for the sake of peace between those two great nations, rendered 
herself liable, leaving out all indirect claims, to pay millions out 
of her own treasury? Has she not made all this sacrifice, which 
only Englishmen and English statesmen can know, for the sake 
of peace — and for whose sake has she made it? Has she not 
made it principally for the sake of Canada ? Let Canada be sev- 
ered from England — let England not be responsible to us, and 
for us, and what could the United States do to England ? Let 
England withdraw herself into her shell, and what can the United 
States do? England has got the supremacy of the sea — she is 
impregnable in every point but one, and that point is Canada; 
and if England does call upon us to make a financial sacrifice; 
does find it for the good of the empire that we, England's first 
colony, should sacrifice something, I say that we would be un- 
worthy of our proud position if we were not prepared to do so. 
I hope to live to see the day, and if I do not that my son may 
be spared to see Canada the right arm of England, to see Can- 
ada a powerful auxiliary to the empire, — not as now a cause of 
anxiety and a source of danger. And I think that if we are 
worthy to hold that position as the right arm of England, we 
should not object to a sacrifice of this kind when so great an ob- 
ject is attained, and the object is a great and lasting one. It is 
said that amities between nations cannot be perpetual; but I say 
that this treaty which has gone through so many difficulties and 
dangers, if it is carried into effect, removes almost all possibility 
of war. If ever there was an irritating cause of war, it was from 
the occurrences arising out of the escape of those vessels, and 
when we see the United States people and Government forget 
this irritation, forget those occurrences, and submit such a ques- 
tion to arbitration, to the arbitration of a disinterested tribunal, 
they have established a principle which can never be forgotten 



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SIR JOHN ALEXANDER MACDONALD 33^3 

in this world. No future question is ever likely to arise that will 
cause such irritation as the escape of the Alabama did, and if 
they could be got to agree to leave such a matter to the peace- 
ful arbitrament of a friendly power, what future cause of quarrel 
can, in the imagination of man, occur that will not bear the same 
pacific solution that is sought for in this. I believe that this 
treaty is an epoch in the history of civilization, that it will set 
an example to the wide world that must be followed; and with 
the growth of the great Anglo-Saxon family, and with the devel- 
opment of that mighty nation to the south of us, I believe that 
the principle of arbitration will be advocated and adopted as the 
sole principle of settlement of diJBEerences between the English- 
speaking peoples, and that it will have a moral influence on the 
world. 

And although it may be opposed to the antecedents of other 
nations, that great moral principle which has now been estab- 
lished among the Anglo-Saxon family will spread itself all over 
the civilized world. It is not too much to say that it is a great 
advance in the history of mankind, and I should be sorry if it 
were recorded that it was stopped for a moment by a selfish 
consideration of the interests of Canada. Had the Government 
of Canada taken the course, which was quite open to them, to 
recommend Parliament to reject these articles, it might have 
been a matter of some interest as to what my position would 
have been. I am here, at all events, advocating the ratification 
of the treaty, and I may say, notwithstanding the taunts of the 
honorable gentlemen opposite, that although I was chosen for 
the position of a commissioner, certainly because I was a Cana- 
dian, and presumably because I was a member of the Canadian 
Government, yet my commission was given to me as a British 
subject, as it was to Sir Stafford Northcote and other members 
of the commission. I went to Washington as a plenipotentiary, 
as her Majesty's servant, and was bound by her Majesty's in- 
structions, and I would have been guilty of dereliction of duty if 
I had not carried out those instructions. And, sir, when I readily 
joined under the circumstances in every word of that treaty with 
the exception of the Fishery Articles, and when I succeeded in 
having inserted in the treaty a reservation to the Government 
and the people of Canada of the full right to accept or refuse 
that portion of it, I had no difficulty as to my course. I did 
not hesitate to state that if that clause had not been put in, I 



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2894 ^^^ J^^^ ALEXANDER MACDONALD 

would have felt it necessary to resign my commission. I was 
perfectly aware in taking the course I did in signing the treaty 
that I should be subject to reproach. I wrote to my friends in 
Canada from Washington that well I knew the storm of obloquy 
that would meet me on my return, and before even I crossed 
the border I was complimented with the names of Judas Iscariot, 
Benedict Arnold, etc. The whole vocabulary of Billingsgate was 
opened against me, but here I am, thank God, to-day, with the 
conviction that what I did was for the best interests of Canada; 
and after all the benefits I have received at the hands of my 
countrymen, and after the confidence that has been accorded me 
for so many years, I would have been unworthy of that position 
and that confidence if I were not able to meet reproach for the 
sake of my country. I have met that reproach, and I have met 
it in silence. I knew that a premature discussion would only 
exasperate still more the feelings of those who were arrayed 
against me and of those who think more of their party than 
their country. I do not speak particularly of the honorable 
gentlemen opposite, but I say that the policy of the opposition 
is regulated by a power behind the throne which dictates what 
that policy must be. No one ever saw a patriotic policy ema- 
nate from that source except on one occasion, and that was when 
that source was induced by myself to forget party struggles and 
party feelings for the common good of the country. I have not 
said a word for twelve months; I have kept silence to this day, 
thinking it better that the subject should be discussed on its 
own merits. How eagerly was I watched! If the Government 
should come out in favor of the treaty, then it was to be taken 
as being a betrayal of the people of Canada. If the Government 
should come out against the treaty, then the first minister was 
to be charged with opposing the interests of the empire. Which- 
ever course we might take, they were Ijring in wait, ready with 
some mode of attack. But * silence is golden,* Mr. Speaker, and 
I kept silence. I believe the sober second thought of this coun- 
try accords with the sober second thought of the Government, 
and we come down here and ask the people of Canada, through 
their representatives, to accept this treaty, to accept it with all 
its imperfections, to accept it for the sake of peace, and for the 
sake of the great Empire, of which we form a part. I now beg 
leave to introduce the bill and to state that I have permission 
of his excellency to do so. 



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SIR JOHN ALEXANDER MACDONALD ^gpj 



PREROGATIVE AND PUBLIC RIGHT 

(From the Speech Delivered by Sir John Macdonald, in Reply to Allegations 
Concerning the Pftcific Railway Charter, in the House of Commons, Ot> 
tawa, November 3d, 1873) 

Mr. Speaker:-- 

I HAD not intended to address you on the two motions now be- 
fore the House, and the reason why I did not so intend is 
that I had already given my testimony on oath, and in that 
testimony I had endeavored, notwithstanding the statement of 
the honorable gentleman who has jnst taken his seat, to state the 
whole case as far as I knew it, according to the best of my con- 
science, concealing nothing and revealing everything. Therefore 
I did not think it well, according to the ordinary rule, that I 
should attempt in any way to supplement my statement on oath 
by my statements not on oath. However, I have been taunted, 
not in the House certainly, but I have heard it elsewhere and 
have seen it in the papers, that I have been withholding my 
statements, that I have been keeping back, and that I dare not 
meet the House and the country. I know too well what the 
House and the country will do, and what the feeling of the coun- 
try will be, when they know all the facts. They know many of 
them now, and those they do not know I shall endeavor pres- 
ently to enter upon. But now I enter upon the subject which 
is most interesting to this House — the question whether the Gov- 
ernment or any members of the Government were in any way 
implicated in the giving or granting of a charter, or of a privi- 
lege of any kind, to men for corrupt motives. I shall allude to 
one or two subjects which, a short time ago, assumed prominence 
in the opinion of the country, but which, in the course of the 
present debate, have almost sunk into insignificance. A short time 
ago, from the thirteenth of August till now, we heard nothing 
else but the unconstitutionality of the prorogation; nothing else 
but that a great wrong had been committed on the privileges of 
the House. Although I was here for only a few minutes before 
the House was prorogued, if I remember aright, this chamber 
rang with charges that the privileges of the House had been in- 
vaded. I not only heard the voice of the honorable Member for 
Chateauguay [Mr. Holton], but I saw his hand brought down, 
with the ponderous strength of the honorable gentleman, on his 
desk, when he called * Privilege!* •Privilege!* and all because 



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2896 SIR JOHN ALEXANDER MACDONALD 

the representative of the Sovereign had exercised a prerogative 
conferred upon him by law. The honorable gentleman was com- 
mitting an anachronism. There were days when the prerogative 
of the Crown and the privileges of the people were in opposition. 
There were days, — but they were days long gone by, and there 
is no necessity for any attempt to revive them now, — days 
when the prerogative of the Crown was brought into opposition 
to the will of the people and the representatives of the people; 
and then, as was proper, the will of the people was paramount, 
and when the Crown opposed it, by prerogative or by excess of 
prerogative, the head of the Sovereign rolled on the scaffold. 
But, Mr. Speaker, those days do not exist now, and I am happy 
to say at this moment, in this age, the prerogative of the Crown 
is a portion of the liberty of the people. If we wish to preserve 
our liberties, if we wish to preserve our present Constitution, if 
we do not wish again to have a Long Parliament or a Rump 
Parliament, if we do not wish again to have a Parliament over- 
riding every other constitutional authority, we shall preserve the 
prerogative of the Crown as being a sacred trust, as being a por- 
tion of the liberties of the people. Centuries ago, as I have said, 
the time was when the Sovereign could come down with his 
strong hands and could seize, or attempt at all events to seize, 
a Member of Parliament for performing his duty in his place. 
The day was once when the Sovereign could come down and 
could banish and send to the tower, and even, as has been known, 
could send to the block Members of Parliament for defending the 
privileges of the people. But when the Sovereign is no longer a 
despot, when the Sovereign is a constitutional monarch, when the 
Sovereign takes his advice from the people, when the Sovereign in 
his act of prerogative takes his advice from a committee selected 
from the representatives of the people and from the other cham- 
ber, which other chamber has its power resting upon the basis 
of the will of the country and the will of the people, then I say 
there is no danger of the prerogative being used unconstitution- 
ally; but the great danger of the country here, as in England, is 
that the prerogative may not be strong enough to resist the ad- 
vancing wave of democracy. And, sir, when in the undoubted 
exercise of the prerogative of the Crown the representative of the 
Sovereign came not to this chamber, but to the proper chamber, 
and announced his will, as the representative of the Sovereign, 
that Parliament be prorogued, he committed no breach of the 
privileges of this House or the other House of Parliament and 



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SIR JOHN ALEXANDER MACDONALD 2897 

made no infringement on the liberties of the people. It was 
charged that a great breach of the Constitution had taken place. 
True it is that we heard in a sort of minor key from the Globe, 
which had some character to lose, that although it was very inex- 
pedient, it was no breach of the Constitution. But every other 
paper, I believe, every organ of honorable gentlemen opposite, ex- 
cept the Globe, stated that there had been a great breach of the 
Constitution and of the privileges of the people on the floor of Par- 
liament, and they were countenanced by the voice and clamor of 
honorable gentlemen opposite. We might pardon them, perhaps, 
because we have seen cases of a similar kind in England, and 
therefore I can quite understand it, and I do not much blame 
them, as showing the momentary feeling of disappointment at the 
exercise of the royal prerogative, preventing the extension of the 
excitement into debates in a subsequent session. In 1820, at 
the time of Queen Caroline's trial, while the bill was pending, 
when it was resolved to withdraw the bill, and when the motion 
for the six months' disposal of that measure was carried, there 
was an outburst when the knock of the usher of the black rod 
was made at the door, — an outburst of indignation on the part 
of the Queen's friends because they had no opportunity of ex- 
pressing their feelings against the course which had been taken. 
Parliament, however, was prorogued, notwithstanding the storm of 
indignation that arose at the time. 

On a still later occasion, at the time of the Reform Bill, in 
1 83 1, we can remember how the House was almost in mutiny, 
and how that staid gentleman, the Duke of Richmond, almost de- 
clared himself in rebellion against his Sovereign. Sir Robert 
Peel, at the very moment the usher of the black rod knocked at 
the door, was making a most indignant protest against proroga- 
tion for the purpose of dissolution. Therefore when such staid 
men, and men of such high position, could take that course, we 
can perhaps pardon honorable gentlemen opposite for having be- 
trayed an unseemly warmth on the thirteenth of August because 
the prerogative of the Crown was exercised, as the Crown had 
the right to exercise it. Therefore, it occurs to every honorable 
gentleman who has considered the subject well, that the question 
of constitutionality cannot exist for a moment, and that a ques- 
tion of privilege set up against prerogative is altogether a false 
cry, an untenable cry, a cry unconstitutional and unwarranted 
by law. The prerogative ' at present is valuable only as one of 
the liberties of the people, and it is one of the liberties of the 
vin— 182 



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2898 ^^^ JOHN ALEXANDER MACDONALD 

people because it is guided, as I said before, by the advice of 
ministers responsible to the two houses of Parliament, not alone 
to this chamber. The prerogative is not dangerous. There is no 
hazard that any one of our liberties, personal or political, will be 
endangered, so long as the prerogative is administered on the 
advice of a minister having the support and requiring support 
from the two chambers of Parliament. The question then comes 
whether the present ministers of his excellency, the Governor- 
General, were justified in recommending the prorogation on the 
thirteenth of August. Sir, if they had not given that advice, they 
would have the Sovereign to break his word; they would have 
advised the Sovereign to commit a breach of faith against every 
absent Member of Parliament. I can say in the presence of this 
House, in the presence of this country, and in the presence of 
the world, if the world were listening to our rather unimportant 
affairs, that if ever a pledge, if ever a bargain, if ever an agree- 
ment or arrangement was made, it was that the House should be 
prorogued on the thirteenth day of August. Some of the gentle- 
men who have spoken, I won't tax my memory as to which of 
them, have made the constitutional objection that the House 
never agreed to the prorogation on the thirteenth of August. 
Sir, the House had nothing to do with it. It is not a matter of 
agreement between the Sovereign and the people; it is a matter 
of prerogative. Did any educated man, any man who knows 
what the Constitution in Canada or what the Constitution in Eng- 
land is, believe that I, the first minister of the Crown, could get 
up in my place and tell this House that on the thirteenth of 
August it would be prorogued, and that on that day there was 
no real necessity for Members being present, because it was to 
be merely a formal meeting ? That I, a minister of nearly twenty 
years' standing, who ought to know by practice, and do know by 
study, somewhat of the British Constitution, should make that 
announcement unless I had got the authority of my master; had 
got the sanction of the Crown ? As a matter of course, as his ex- 
cellency has stated in the answer he made to the gentleman who 
waited upon him, I submitted the proposition to his excellency, 
and took his pleasure upon it, just as the first minister in Eng- 
land would take the pleasure of her Majesty as to the day on 
which prorogation was to take place. I got the sanction of his 
excellency, the Governor-General, to make that statement; and if 
I had not got that sanction, I do not believe the House would 
have agreed to the long adjournment. 



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*« ■ 



TflF MvVV VOKK 

PUHIIC LIBRARY 



APT,i«. UCNOX AVr> 
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SOLDIERS' AND SAILORS' MONUMENT AT CLEVE- 

LAND, OHIO. 



Ihe Cuyahoga County Soldiers' and Sailors' Monument, at the dedi- 
cation of which July 4th, 1S94, Wm. McKinley was orator of the 
\^ day, was designed by Levi T. Schofield and erected by the county 
at public expense. The view here given is from the northeast. 




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2899 




WILLIAM Mckinley 

(1843-) 

|he address, ^American Patriotism,' delivered by Mr. McKinley 
at Cleveland, Ohio, in 1894, has been greatly admired. With 
his address at the dedication of the Grant monument in 
1897, it ranks among the most earnest and eloquent expressions of 
the feeling which inspired the volunteers who fought for the Union 
from 1861 to 1865. 

Mr. McKinley was bom at Niles, Ohio, January 29th, 1843. Though 
only a little over eighteen years old when the Civil War began, he en- 
listed and rose to the rank of Major. After serving from 1869 to 1871 
as Attorney of Stark County, Ohio, he was elected to Congress, where 
he served in the House of Representatives from 1877 to 1891. Prom 
1889 to 1891, he was chairman of the House Ways and Means Com- 
mittee, which reported the McKinley TariflE Bill. Failing of election 
to Congress as a result of the general Republican losses of 1890, he 
was nominated by the Republicans of Ohio for Grovemor of the State 
in 1891 and elected. In 1893 he was re-elected by a plurality of 
about eighty-one thousand, and his election to the Presidency fol- 
lowed in 1896. 



AMERICAN PATRIOTISM 

(Delivered at the Dedication of the Cuyahoga County Soldiers and Sailors 
Monument at Cleveland, Ohio, July 4th. 1894. By Permission from the 
< History of the Cuyahoga County Soldiers and Sailors Monument > Copy- 
right by William J. Gleason) 

Soldiers and Sailors of Cuyahoga County, My Comrades, and Fellow- 
Citizens : — 

I WISH the whole world might have witnessed the sight we have 
just seen and have heard the song we have just listened to 
from the school children of the city of Cleveland. With pa- 
triotism in our hearts and with the flag of our country in our 
hands, there is no danger of anarchy and there is no danger to 
the American Union. 



11086B 

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2^oo WILLIAM McKINLEY 

The place, the day, and the occasion upon which we assemble, 
fill us with patriotic emotion. They are happily and appropri- 
ately united. The old Monumental Square is filled with hallowed 
memories. This day registers the birthday of the Declaration of 
Independence ; and this monument that we dedicate to-day attests 
that every promise of that declaration has been kept and per- 
formed. Standing in this presence, I am reminded that this 
Public Square has witnessed many interesting and memorable 
events. The first that I recall was on the tenth day of Septem- 
ber, 1 860, when the monument to Commodore Perry was un- 
veiled on this Square. It was a deeply interesting occasion. An 
immense crowd thronged this city as it throngs it to-day. Gov- 
ernor Sprague of Rhode Island, with his staff and State oflScers, 
and the members of the legislature of that State, and the Prov- 
idence Light Infantry, participated in the interesting ceremony. 
Governor Dennison, the first war Grovemor Ohio ever had, de- 
livered the address of welcome. General J. W. Pitch, remem- 
bered by the older citizens of Cleveland, was the Grand Marshal 
of the day, and General Bamett, whose distinguished services in 
the war are yet fresh in the memory of the people, and who 
now participates in these ceremonies, was in command of the 
Cleveland Light Artillery Regiment. The great historian, George 
Bancroft, delivered the principal address of the day. It was 
probably, my fellow-citizens, the greatest celebration that Cuya- 
hoga County had seen up to that time. It was on this ground, 
too, that the Soldiers and Sailors Aid Society of Northern Ohio, 
aye of the whole country, was organized, and some of the noble 
mothers who were at the birth of that organization are seated 
upon this platform to-day. These noble women gave unselfish 
devotion to the country, and money from all this section of tbe 
State poured into the coffers of that association for the relief of 
the men at the front who were sustaining the flag. It was in 
this Square, too, that the remains of the martyred Lincoln, the 
great emancipator, rested as they journeyed to his Western home. 
It was on this very spot, almost where we stand to-day, that the 
whole population of Ohio viewed for the last time him who had 
been captain of all our armies under the Constitution, and whose 
death was a sacrifice to the great cause of freedom and the Union. 

Here, too, my fellow-citizens, on this very spot, the remains of 
the immortal Garfield lay in state, attended by the Congress of 
the United States, by the supreme judiciary of the Nation, by the 



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WILLIAM McKINLBY 2^0I 

officers of the Army and the Navy of the United States, by 
the governors and legislators of all the surrounding States. The 
steady tread of a mourning State and Nation was uninterrupted 
through the entire night. It was here that the people looked 
upon his face for the last time forever. 

Interesting, my fellow-citizens, and patriotic, as the scenes 
witnessed in the past have been, I venture to say that none of 
them have stirred so many memories, or quickened such patriotic 
feeling as the services we perform to-day in the dedication of 
this beautiful structure to the memory of the loyal soldiers and 
sailors who contributed their lives to save the Government from 
dissolution. Cuyahoga County can well be proud of this great 
memorial. It is a fitting tribute to the soldiers living and the 
soldiers dead. Cuyahoga's sons were represented in nearly every 
branch of the military service. Almost every Ohio regiment re- 
ceived some contribution from Cuyahoga County, whether in the 
infantry, cavalry, artillery, on land or on sea. Whether among 
white troops or colored troops Cuyahoga Coimty's sons were to 
be found, they were always found at the post of greatest danger. 

Nothing has so impressed me in the program to-day as the 
organization of the old soldiers, carrying with them their tattered 
flags, which they bore a third of a century ago upon the fields of 
war. More than sixty of the old regimental flags will be carried 
by the survivors of their respective regiments, and the flag room 
at the capitol at Columbus could not supply the men of Cuya- 
hoga County all the flags which they are entitled to bear. Is it 
any wonder that these old soldiers love to carry the flags under 
which they fought, and for which their brave comrades gave up 
their lives? 

Is it any wonder that the old soldier loves the flag under 
whose folds he fought and for which his comrades shed so much 
blood ? He loves it for what it is and for what it represents. It 
embodies the purposes and history of the Government itself. It 
records the achievements of its defenders upon land and sea. 
It heralds, the heroism and sacrifices of our Revolutionary fathers 
who planted free government on this continent and dedicated it 
to liberty forever. It attests the struggles of our army and the 
valor of our citizens in all the wars of the Republic. It has been 
sacrificed by the blood of our best and our bravest. It records 
the achievements of Washington and the mart)rrdom of Lincoln. 
It has been bathed in the tears of a sorrowing people. It has 



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3902 WILLIAM Mckinley 

been glorified in the hearts of a freedom-loving people, not only 
at home but in every part of the world. Our flag expresses more 
than any other flag; it means more than any other national em- 
blem. It expresses the will of a free people, and proclaims that 
they are supreme and that they acknowledge no earthly sovereign 
but themselves. It never was assaulted that thousands did not 
rise up to smite the assailant. Glorious old banner! 

When the Stars and Stripes were hauled down on Sumter, 
flags without number were raised above every fireside in the 
land; and all the glorious achievements which that flag repre- 
sented, with all its hallowed memories, glowed with burning fervor 
in the heart of every lover of liberty and the Union. The mad 
assault which was made upon the flag at that time aroused its 
defenders and kindled a patriotism which could not be quenched 
until it had extinguished the unholy cause which assaulted our 
holy banner. 

What more beautiful conception than that which prompted 
Abra Kohn, of Chicago, in February 1861, to send to Mr. Lin- 
coln, on the eve of his starting to Washington to take the office 
of President to which he had been elected, a flag of our coun- 
try, bearing upon its silken folds these words from the fifth and 
ninth verses of the first chapter of Joshua: *Have I not com- 
manded thee? Be strong and of good courage; be not afraid, 
neither be thou dismayed: for the Lord our God is with thee 
whithersoever thou goest. There shall no man be able to stand 
before thee all the days of thy life. As I was with Moses, so 
shall I be with thee. I will not fail thee nor forsake thee.* 

Could anything have given Mr. Lincoln more cheer or been 
better calculated to sustain his courage or strengthen his faith in 
the mighty work before him? Thus commanded, thus assured, 
Mr. Lincoln journeyed to the capital, where he took the oath of 
office and registered in heaven an oath to save the Union; and 
*the Lord our God* was with him and did not fail nor forsake 
him until every obligation of oath and duty was sacredly kept 
and honored. Not any man was able to stand before him. Lib- 
erty was enthroned, the Union was saved, and the flag which he 
carried floated in triumph and glory upon every flagstaff of the 
Republic. 

What does this monument mean? It means the immortal 
principle of patriotism. It means love of country. It means 
sacrifices for the country we love. It means, not only love of 



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WILLIAM Mckinley 2903 

country, but love of liberty! This alone could have inspired over 
two million eight hundred thousand Union soldiers to leave home 
and family and to offer to die if need be for our imperiled insti- 
tutions. Love of country alone could have inspired three hun- 
dred thousand men to die for the Union. Nothing less sacred 
than this love of country could have sustained one hundred and 
seventy-five thousand brave men, who suffered and starved and 
died in Rebel prisons. Nor could anything else have given 
comfort to the five hundred thousand maimed and diseased who 
escaped immediate death in siege and battle to end in torment 
the remainder of their patriot lives. It is a noble patriotism and 
it impels you, my fellow-countrymen, to erect this magnificent 
monument to their honor and memory. And similar love of 
country will inspire your remotest descendants to do homage to 
their valor and bravery forever. 

This is what the monument means. The lesson it conveys to 
the present and all future generations. It means that the cause 
in which they died was a righteous one, and it means that the 
cause which triumphed through their valor shall be perpetuated 
for aU time. 

Charles Sumner said that President Lincoln was put to death 
by the enemies of the Declaration of Independence; but, said 
Sumner, though dead, he would always continue to guard that 
title deed of the human race. So that it does seem to me that 
every time we erect a new monument to the memory of the 
Union soldiers and sailors we are cementing the very founda- 
tions of the Government itself. We are doing that which will 
strengthen our devotion to free institutions and insure their 
permanency for the remotest posterity. We are not only ren- 
dering immortal the fame of the men who participated in the 
war by these magnificent structures, but we are doing better 
than that. We are making immortal the principles for which 
they contended and the Union for which they died. 

Their erection may be a matter of comparatively little im- 
portance or concern to the Union soldiers who are still living, 
but no one can accurately foretell the value and importance of 
their influence upon the young men and the young women from 
whom the Republic must draw her future defenders. Every 
time we erect a monument, every time we do honor to the sol- 
diers of the Republic, we reafiSrm our devotion to the country, 
to the glorious flag, to the immortal principles of liberty, equality, 



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2po4 WILLIAM McKINLBY 

and justice, which have made the United States unrivaled among 
the nations of the world. The union of these States must be 
perpetual That is what our brave boys died for. That is what 
this monument must mean; and such monuments as this are evi- 
dences that the people intend to take care that the great decrees 
of war shall be imquestioned and supreme. 

The unity of the Republic is secure so long as we continue 
to honor the memory of the men who died by the tens of thou- 
sands to preserve it. The dissolution of the Union is impossible 
so long as we continue to inculcate lessons of fraternity, unity, 
and patriotism, and erect monuments to perpetuate these senti- 
ments. 

Such monuments as these have another meaning, which is one 
dear to the hearts of many who stand by me. It is, as Mr. Lin- 
coln said at Gettysburg, that the dead shall not have died in 
vain; that the nation's later birth of freedom and the people's 
gain of their own sovereignty shall not perish from the earth. 
That is what this monument means. That is the lesson of true 
patriotism, that what was won in war shall be worn in peace. 

But we must not forget, my fellow-countrymen, that the Union 
which these brave men preserved, and the liberties which they 
secured, places upon us, the living, the gravest responsibility. 
We are the freest government on the face of the earth. Our 
strength rests in our patriotism. Anarchy flees before patriotism. 
Peace and order and security and liberty are safe so long as love 
of country bums in the hearts of the people. It should not be 
forgotten, however, that liberty does not mean lawlessness. Lib- 
erty to make our own laws does not give us license to break 
them. Liberty to make our own laws commands a duty to ob- 
serve them ourselves and enforce obedience among all others 
within their jurisdiction. Liberty, my fellow-citizens, is responsi- 
bility, and responsibility is duty, and that duty is to preserve the 
exceptional liberty we enjoy within the law and for the law and 
by the law. 



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WILLIAM McKINLBY 3905 



AT THE DEDICATION OP THE GRANT MONUMENT 

(Delivered in New York City, April ayth, 1897 — Prom the Authorized Text, 

by Permission) 

FeUow-CiHtens : — 

A GREAT life, dedicated to the welfare of the Nation, here finds 
its earthly coronation. Even if this day lacked the im- 
pressiveness of ceremony and was devoid of pageantry, it 
would still be memorable, because it is the anniversary of the 
birth of one of the most famous and best-beloved of American 
soldiers. 

Architecture has paid high tribute to the leaders of mankind, 
but never was a memorial more worthily bestowed or more 
gratefully accepted by a free people than the beautiful structure 
before which we are gathered. 

In marking the successful completion of this work, we have 
as witnesses and participants representatives of all branches of 
our Government, the resident officials of foreign nations, the gov- 
ernors of States, and the sovereign people from every section of 
our common country, who join in this august tribute to the sol- 
dier, patriot, and citizen. 

Almost twelve years have passed since the heroic vigil ended 
and the brave spirit of Ulysses S. Grant fearlessly took its flight. 
Lincoln and Stanton had preceded him, but of the mighty cap- 
tains of the war Grant was the first to be called. Sherman and 
Sheridan survived him, but have since joined him on the other 
shore. 

The great heroes of the civil strife on land and sea are for 
the most part now no more. Thomas and Hancock, Logan and 
McPherson, Farragut, Dupont, and Porter, and a host of others, 
have passed forever from human sight. Those remaining grow 
dearer to us, and from them and the memory of those who have 
departed generations yet unborn will draw their inspiration and 
gather strength for patriotic purpose. 

A great life never dies. Great deeds are imperishable; great 
names immortal. General Grant's services and character will 
continue undiminished in influence and advance in the estimation 
of mankind so long as liberty remains the cornerstone of free 
government and integrity of life the guaranty of good citizen- 
ship. 



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3906 



WILLIAM McKINLBY 



Faithful and fearless as a volunteer soldier, intrepid and in- 
vincible as Commander in Chief of the Armies of the Union, 
calm and confident as President of a reunited and strengthened 
nation which his genius had been instrumental in achieving, he 
has our homage and that of the world; but brilliant as was his 
public character, we love him all the more for his home life and 
homely virtues. His individuality, his bearing and speech, his 
simple ways, had a flavor of rare and unique distinction, and his 
Americanism was so true and uncompromising that his name 
will stand for all time as the embodiment of liberty, loyalty, and 
national unity. 

Victorious in the work which under Divine Providence he was 
called upon to do; clothed with almost limitless power; he was 
yet one of the people — patient, patriotic, and just. Success did 
not disturb the even balance of his mind, while fame was power- 
less to swerve him from the path of duty. Great as he was in 
war, he loved peace, and told the world that honorable arbitra- 
tion of differences was the best hope of civilization. 

With Washington and Lincoln, Grant has an exalted place in 
history and the affections of the people. To-day his memory is 
held in equal esteem by those whom he led to victory and by 
those who accepted his generous terms of peace. The veteran 
leaders of the Blue and the Gray here meet, not only to honor 
the name of the departed Grant, but to testify to the living re- 
ality of a fraternal national spirit which has triumphed over the 
differences of the past and transcends the limitations of sectional 
lines. Its completion, which we pray God to speed, will be the 
nation's greatest glory. 

It is right, then, that General Grant should have a memorial 
commensurate with his greatness and that his last resting-place 
should be the city of his choice, to which he was so attached in 
life and of whose ties he was not forgetful even in death. Fit- 
ting, too, is it that the great soldier should sleep beside the noble 
river on whose banks he first learned the art of war and of 
which he became master and leader without a rival. 

But let us not forget the glorious distinction with which the 
metropolis among the fair sisterhood of American cities has hon- 
ored his life and memory. With all that riches and sculpture 
can do to render the edifice worthy of the man, upon a site un- 
surpassed for magnificence, has this monument been reared by 
New York as a perpetual record of his illustrious deeds, in the 



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WILLIAM McKINLBY 



2907 



certainty that as time passes around it will assemble with grati- 
tude and reverence and veneration men of all climes, races, and 
nationalities. 

New York holds in its keeping the precious dust of the silent 
soldier; but his achievements — what he and his brave comrades 
wrought for mankind — are in the keeping of seventy millions of 
American citizens, who will guard the sacred heritage forever and 
forevermore. 



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2908 




SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH 

(1765-1832) 

^NE of the greatest events in modem times was the adoption 
by England of the policy of * autonomy, » advocated by Sir 
James Mackintosh in his speech of May 2d, 1828. Nothing 
else could have saved the British Empire from collapse. The Tories, 
whose policies resulted in the loss of the American colonies, fought 
* autonomy » at every point. The Napoleonic wars and the Ameri- 
can War of 181 2 enabled them to sustain themselves by appeal to 
British patriotism, but it became apparent, nevertheless, that the cen- 
tralized military empire, which constituted their ideal, was impossible 
with England as the central power. When Mackintosh boldly de- 
clared in Parliament that in every country the majority of the in- 
habitants and property owners <* ought to possess the power of the 
government,* he was merely vindicating principles he had held dur- 
ing the whole of his public life — often in what seemed to be a hope- 
less minority. Now. however, they were to be vindicated. As a result 
of them, Canada and Australia became autonomous, and the British 
Empire survived. 

Mackintosh was bom near Inverness, Scotland, in 1765. He was 
educated at Aberdeen and Edinburgh, graduating in medicine and 
removing to London for the practice of that profession, which in 
1795 he abandoned for the law. His defense of Peltier in 1803 made 
him a great reputation as a lawyer. He had already become cele- 
brated as a political writer by reason of his reply to Burke's ^ Reflec- 
tions on the French Revolution.^ This reply, published in April 1791, 
was to some extent discredited by subsequent events of the Reign 
of Terror and Mackintosh evidently had this fact in mind in the 
striking review of the Revolution he made in the case of Peltier. 
He remained a consistent Whig until his death, however, and though 
never popular as a political orator, he was one of the decisive factors 
in making the English history of the first quarter of the nineteenth 
century. He was Recorder and Judge of the Court of Vice-Admiralty 
at Bombay from 1804 to 181 1. After his return to England, he en- 
tered Parliament and devoted the remainder of his life to unremit- 
ting work in literature, philosophy, and public affairs. He died in 
London, May 30th, 1832. Among his best-remembered works are his 



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SIR JAMBS MACKINTOSH 2909 

^Vindiciae Gallicae,^ in reply to Burke; his * Dissertation on the Pro- 
gress of Ethical Philosophy*; and his * History of the Revolution in 
England in 1688.* As an orator, he delivered himself with such de- 
liberation and finish that *he spoke essays'^ — if we are to trust 
Macaulay, himself the greatest of all speakers of oratorical essays. 



CANADA AND THE AUTONOMY OP BRITISH COLONIES 
(Delivered in the Hoaae of Commons on the Second of May, 1828) 

Mr. Speaker:— 

I THINK I may interpret fairly the general feeling of the House, 
when I express my congfratulations upon the great extent of 
talent and information which the honorable Member for St. 
Michael's has just displayed, and that I may venture to assert he 
has given us full assurance, in his future progress, of proving a 
useful and valuable Member of the Parliament of this country. 
I cannot, also, avoid observing that the laudable curiosity which 
carried him to visit that country whose situation is now the sub- 
ject of discussion, and still more the curiosity which led him to 
visit that imperial Republic which occupies the other best por- 
tion of the American continent, gave evidence- of a mind actuated 
by enlarged and liberal views. 

After having presented a petition signed by eighty-seven 
thousand of the inhabitants of Lower Canada, — comprehending 
in that number nine-tenths of the heads of families in the prov- 
ince, and more than two-thirds of its landed proprietors, — and 
after having shown that the petitioners had the greatest causes 
of complaint against the administration of the government in that 
colony, it would be an act of inconsistency on my part to attempt 
to throw any obstacle in the way of that inquiry which the right 
honorable gentleman proposes. It might seem, indeed, a more 
natural course on my part if I had seconded such a proposition. 
Perhaps I might have been contented to give a silent acquies- 
cence in the appointment of a committee and to receive any 
observations I may have to oflfer until some specific measure is 
proposed, or tmtil the House is in possession of the information 
which may be procured through the labors of the committee, — 
perhaps, I say, I might have been disposed to adopt this course 
if I had not been intrusted with the presentation of that peti- 
tion. But I feel bound by the sense of the trust reposed in me 



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29 1 o SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH 

to allow no opportunity to pass over of calling the attention of 
the House to the grievances of the petitioners and to their 
claims for redress and for the maintenance of their legitimate 
rights. This duty I hold myself bound to execute, according to 
the best of my ability, without sacrificing my judgment, or ren- 
dering it subordinate to any sense of duty, but feeling only 
that the confidence of the petitioners binds me to act on their 
behalf, and as their advocate, in precisely the same manner, and 
to the same extent, as if I had been invested with another char- 
acter, and authorized to state their complaints in a different 
situation. 

To begin, then, with the speech of the right honorable gen- 
tleman, I may take leave to observe that in all that was con- 
tained in the latter part of it he has my fullest and most cordial 
assent. In 1822, when the Canadians were last before the House, 
I stated the principles which ought to be maintained with respect 
to what the right honorable gentleman has very properly and 
very eloquently called the ^ Great British Confederacy.* I hold 
now, as I did then, that all the different portions of that Con- 
federacy are integral parts of the British Empire, and as such 
are entitled to the fullest protection. I hold that they are all 
bound together as one great class by an alliance prior in import- 
ance to every other, — more binding upon us than any treaty 
ever entered into with any State, — the fulfillment of which we 
can never desert without the sacrifice of a great moral duty. I 
hold that it can be a matter of no moment, in this bond of alli- 
ance, whether the parties be divided by oceans or be neighbors; 
I hold that the moral bond of duty and protection is the same. 
My maxims of colonial policy are few and simple: a full and ef- 
ficient protection from all foreign influence; full permission to 
conduct the whole of their own internal affairs; compelling them 
to pay all the reasonable expenses of their own government and 
giving them at the same time a perfect control over the ex- 
penditures of the money; and imposing no restrictions of any 
kind upon the industry or trafiic of the people. These are the 
only means by which the hitherto almost incurable evil of dis- 
tant government can be either mitigated or removed. And it 
may be a matter of doubt whether in such circumstances the 
colonists would not be under a more gentle control and in a 
happier state than if they were to be admitted to a full partici- 
pation in the rule and brought under the immediate and full 



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SIR JAMBS MACKINTOSH 291 1 

protection of the parent government. I agree most fully with 
the honorable gentleman who spoke last, when he expressed a 
wish that we should leave the regulation of the internal affairs 
of the colonies to the colonists, except in cases of the most ur- 
gent and manifest necessity. The most urgent and manifest 
necessity, I say; and few and rare ought to be the exceptions to 
the rule, even upon the strength of those necessities. 

Under these circumstances of right I contend it is prudent 
to regard all our colonies, and peculiarly the population of these 
two great provinces, — provinces placed in one of those rare and 
happy states of society in which the progress of population must 
be regarded as a blessing to mankind, — exempt from the curse 
of fostering slavery, — exempt from the evils produced by the 
contentions of jarring systems of religion, — enjoying the bless- 
ings of universal toleration, — and presenting a state of society 
the most unlike that can be possibly imagined to the fastidious 
distinctions of Europe. Exempt at once from the slavery of the 
West and the castes of the East, — exempt, too, from the embar- 
rassments of that other great continent which we have chosen as 
a penal settlement and in which the prejudices of society have 
been fostered, I regret to find, in a most unreasonable degree, — 
exempt from all the artificial distinctions of the Old World, and 
many of the evils of the New, we see a great population rapidly 
growing up to be a great nation. None of the claims of such a 
population ought to be cast aside, and none of their complaints 
can receive any but the most serious consideration. 

In the first part of his speech the right honorable gentleman 
declared that the excesses and complaints of the colonists arose 
from the defect of their Constitution, and next from certain con- 
tentions into which they had fallen with Lord Dalhousie. In any- 
thing I may say on this occasion I beg to be understood as not 
casting any imputation upon the character of that noble lord; I 
speak merely of the acts of his government, and I wish solely to 
be understood as saying that my opinion of the acts of that gov- 
ernment are difEerent from those which I believe to have been 
conscientiously his. 

I, however, must say that I thought the right honorable gen- 
tleman in one part of his address indulged himself in some 
pleasantries which seemed ill suited to the subject to which he 
claimed our attention, — I allude to the three essential grievances 
which he seemed to imagine led to many, if not all, of the 



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SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH 



discontents and complaints of the colonists. There was the per- 
plexed system of real property law, creating such a vexatious 
delay and such enormous costs to the suitor as to amount very 
nearly to a denial of justice; this, he said, arose from adhering- 
to the custom of Paris. The next cause of discontent is the in- 
adequate representation of the people in Parliament; that he rec- 
ommended to the immediate attention of the committee for the 
purpose of revision. Lastly, the members of the legislature were 
so absurdly ignorant of the first principles of political economy 
as to have attempted to exclude all the industry and capital of 
other countries from flowing in to enrich and fertilize their 
shores. These were the three grounds upon which he formally 
impeached the people of Canada before the knights, citizens, and 
burgesses of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled. 
Did the right honorable gentleman never hear of any other 
system of law, in any other country than Canada, in which a jum- 
ble of obsolete usages were mixed up and confounded with mod- 
em subtleties, until the minds of the most acute men of the age 
and nation — men who had in a service of forty years passed 
through every stage of its gradations — were driven to declare 
that they felt totally unable to find their way through its laby- 
rinths, and were compelled by their doubts of what was law and 
what was not, to add in a most ruinous degree to the expenses 
of the suitor ? This system has been called the ^ Common Law,* 
— *the wisdom of our ancestors,* — and various other venerable 
names. Did he never hear of a system of representation in any 
other country totally irreconcilable either with the state of the 
population or with any rule or principle under heaven ? Have I 
not heard over and over again from the lips of the right hon- 
orable gentleman, and from one whom, alas! I shall hear no 
more, that this inadequate system of representation possessed ex- 
traordinary advantages over those more systematic contrivances 
which resulted from the studies of the ^constitution makers* of 
other countries ? And yet it is for this very irregularity in their 
mode of representation that the Canadians are now to be brought 
before the judgment of the right honorable gentleman's com- 
mittee. I felt still greater wonder, however, when I heard him 
mention his third ground of objection to the proceedings of the 
colonists, and his third cause of their discontent — their ignorance 
of political economy. Too surely the laws for the exclusion of 
the capital and industry of other countries did display the grossest 



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SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH 2^1 3 

ignorance of that science! I should not much wonder if I heard 
of the Canadians devising plans to prevent the entrance of a sin- 
gle grain of foreign com into the provinces. I should not wonder 
to hear the members of their legislature and their great landowners 
contending that it was absolutely necessary that the people should 
be able to raise all their own food; and consequently (although, 
perhaps, they do not see the consequences) to make every other 
nation completely independent of their products and their indus- 
try. It is perhaps barely possible that some such nonsense as 
this might be uttered in the legislative assembly of the Cana- 
dians. 

Then again, sir, the right honorable gentleman has alluded to 
the seigneurs and their vassals. Some of these ^most potent, 
g^ve, and reverend* seigneurs may happen to be jealous of their 
manorial rights; for seigneuralty means manor, and a seigneur is 
only, therefore, a lord of the manor. How harmless this lofty 
word seems to be when translated! Some of these seigneurs 
might happen, I say, to be jealous of their manorial privileges, 
and anxious for the preservation of their game. I am a very 
bad sportsman myself, and not well acquainted with the various 
objects of anxiety to such persons; but there may be, too, in 
these colonies also, persons who may take upon themselves to 
institute a rigorous inquiry into the state of their game, and into 
the best methods of preserving red game and black game, and 
pheasants and partridges; and who might be disposed to make it 
a question whether any evils arise from the preservation of these 
things for their sport, or whether the safety, the liberty, and the 
life of their fellow-subjects ought not to be sacrificed for their 
personal gratification. 

With regard to the observance of the custom of Paris, I beg 
the House to consider that no change was effected from 1760 to 
1789, and (although I admit with the right honorable gentleman 
that it may be aa^bad as a system of conveyance, and may be 
expensive on account of the difficulties produced by mortgages) 
that the Canadians cannot be very ill off under a code of laws 
which g^ew up under the auspices of the Parliament of Paris — 
a body comprising the greatest learning and talent ever brought 
to the study of the law, and boasting the names of L'Hopital 
and Montesquieu. 

Neither can it be said that the assembly of Canada was so 
entirely indifferent to its system of representation; for it ought 
VIII — 183 



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SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH 



to be recollected that they passed a bill to amend it, which was 
thrown out by the council, — that is, in fact, by the government. 
At all events, this shows that there was no want of a disposition 
to amend the state of their representation, although government 
might diflfer from them as to the best method of accomplishing 
it. A bill for establishing the independence of the judges was 
another remedial measure thrown out by the Upper House. 

As at present informed, however, without going further into 
these questions, I see enough stated in the petition upon the 
table of the House to justify the appointment of a committee of 
inquiry. 

In every country, sir, the wishes of the greater number of the 
inhabitants, and of those in possession of the great mass of the 
property, ought to have great influence in the government — 
they ought to possess the power of the government. If this be 
true generally, the rule ought, a multo fortiori^ to be followed in 
the government of distant colonies, from which the information 
that is to guide the government at home is sent by a few, and 
is never correct or complete. A government on the spot, though 
with the means of obtaining correct information, is exposed to 
the delusions of prejudice; for a government at a distance, the 
only safe course to pursue is to follow public opinion. In making 
the practical application of this principle, if I find the govern- 
ment of any country engaged in squabbles with the great mass of 
the people, — if I find it engaged in vexatious controversies and 
ill-timed disputes, — especially if that government be the govern- 
ment of a colony, — I say that there is a reasonable presumption 
against that government. I do not charge it with injustice, but 
I charge it with imprudence and indiscretion; and I say that it 
is unfit to hold the authority intrusted to it. The ten years of 
hostility and squabbles which have existed in this instance are a 
sufficient charge against this government. 

I was surprised to hear the right honorable gentleman put 
the people and the government on the same footing in this re- 
spect. What is government good for, if not to temper passion 
with wisdom? The people are said to be deficient in certain 
qualities, and a government is said to possess them. If the peo- 
ple are not deficient in them, it is a fallacy to talk of the danger 
of intrusting them with political power; if they are deficient, 
where is the common sense of expecting of them that moderation 
which government is instituted for the very purpose of supplying ? 



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SIR JAM£S MACKINTOSH 2915 

Taking this to be true as a general principle, it cannot be 
false in its application to the question before the House. As I 
understand it, the house of assembly has a right to appropriate 
the supplies which itself has granted. The House of Commons 
knows well how to appreciate that right and should not quarrel 
with the house of assembly for indulging in a similar feeling. 
The right honorable gentleman himself admits the existence of 
this right The governor-general has, however, infringed it, by 
appropriating a sum of one hundred and forty thousand pounds 
without the authority of the assembly. That house does not claim 
to appropriate the revenue raised under the Act of 1774; they 
only claim a right to examine the items of the appropriations in 
order to ascertain if the government need any fresh supplies. 
The petitioners state it as one of their not tmimaginary griev- 
ances that they have lost one hundred thousand pounds by the 
neglect of the receiver-general. This is not one of those griev- 
ances which are said to arise from the assembly's claim of po- 
litical rights. Another dispute .arises from the governor-general 
claiming, in imitation of the power of the King, a right to con- 
firm the speaker of the house of assembly. This right, — a 
very ancient one, and venerable from its antiquity and from 
being an established fact of an excellent constitution at home, — 
is a most absurd adjunct to a colonial government. But I will 
not investigate the question, nor enter into any legal argument 
with regard to it; for no discussion can in any case, as I feel, be 
put in competition with the feelings of a whole people. It is a 
fatal error in the rulers of a country to despise the people; its 
safety, honor, and streng^ are best preserved by consulting their 
wishes and feelings. The government at Quebec, despising such 
considerations, has been long engaged in a scuflBie with the peo- 
ple, and has thought hard words and hard blows not inconsistent 
with its dignity. 

I observe, sir, that twenty-one bills were passed by the house 
of assembly in 1827, — most of them reformatory, — of which not 
one was approved of by the legislative council. Is the governor 
responsible for this? I answer, he is. The council is nothing 
else but his tool; it is not, as at present constituted, a fair and 
just constitutional check between the popular assembly and the 
governor. Of the twenty-seven councilors, seventeen hold places 
under the government at pleasure, dividing among themselves 
yearly fifteen thousand pounds, which is not a small sum in a 



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2916 SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH 

country in which a thousand a year is a large income for a coun- 
try gentleman. I omit the Bishop, who is perhaps rather too 
much inclined to authority, but is of a pacific character. The 
minority, worn out in their fruitless resistance, have withdrawn 
from their attendance on the cotmcil. Two of them being the 
most considerable landholders in the province were amongst the 
subscribers to the petition. I appeal to the House if the Cana- 
dians are not justified in considering the very existence of this 
council as a constitutional grievance? 

It has been said that there has been no aristocracy formed in 
the province. It is not possible that this part of Mr. Pitt's plan 
could ever have been carried into execution; an aristocracy — the 
creature of time and opinion — cannot be created. But men of 
great merit and superior qualifications get an influence over the 
people; and they form a species of aristocracy, diflFering, indeed, 
from one of birth and descent, but supplying the materials out 
of which a constitutional senate may be constituted. Such an 
aristocracy there is in Canada, but it is excluded from the 
council. 

There are then, sir, two specific classes of grievances com- 
plained of by the Lower-Canadians; the first is the continued 
hostility to all the projected measures of the assembly by the 
governor; the second is the use he makes of the council to op- 
pose them. These are the grounds on which inquiry and change 
are demanded. I, however, do not look upon these circumstances 
alone as peremptorily requiring a change in the constitution of 
the province. These are wrongs which the government might 
have remedied. It might have selected a better council; and it 
might have sent out instructions to the governor to consult the 
feelings of the people. It might have pointed out to him the 
example of a government which gave way to the wishes of a 
people, — of a majority of the people, expressed by a majority of 
their representatives, — on a question, too, of religious liberty, 
instead of weakening themselves in the hearts of the people. On 
reviewing the whole question, the only practical remedy which 
I see is to introduce more prudence and discretion into the coun- 
sels of the administration of the Province. 

The right honorable gentleman has made allusion to the Eng- 
lish settlers in Lower Canada, as if they were oppressed by the 
natives. But I ask what law has been passed by the assembly 
that is unjust to them? Is it a remedy for this that it is pro- 



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SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH 2917 

posed to change the scheme of representation ? The English in- 
habitants of Lower Canada, with some few exceptions, collected 
in towns as merchants or the agents of merchants, — very re- 
spectable persons, I have no doubt, — amount to about eighty 
thousand. Would it not be the height of injustice to give them 
the same influence which the four hundred thousand Canadians, 
from their numbers and property, ought to possess ? Sir, when I 
hear of an inquiry on account of measures necessary to protect 
English settlers, I greatly lament that any such language should 
have been used. Are we to have an English colony in Canada 
separated from the rest of the inhabitants, — a favored body, with 
peculiar privileges? Shall they have a sympathy with English 
sympathies and English interests? And shall we deal out to 
Canada six hundred years of such miseries as we have to Ire- 
land ? Let us not in God's name introduce such curses into 
another region. Let our policy be to give all the King's subjects 
in Canada equal law and equal justice. I cannot listen to unwise 
distinctions, generating alarm, and leading to nothing but evil, 
without adverting to them; and I shall be glad if my observa- 
tions supply the gentlemen opposite with the opportunity of dis- 
avowing — knowing, as I do, that the disavowal will be sincere — 
that any such distinction is to be kept up. 

As to Upper Canada, the statement of the right honorable 
gentleman appears to be scanty in information; it does not point 
out — as is usual in proposing such a committee — what is to be 
the termination of the change proposed. He has thrown out two 
or three plans, but he has also himself supplied objections to 
them. The assembly there appears to be as independent as the 
one in the Lower Province. I have heard of some of their meas- 
ures — an Alien bill, a Catholic bill, and a bill for regulating 
the Press; and these discussions were managed with as much 
spirit as those of an assembly, which I will not say is better, but 
which has the good fortune to be their superior. The people 
have been much disappointed by the immense grants of land 
which have been reserved for the Church of England, — which 
faith is not that of the majority of the people. Such endow- 
ments are to be held sacred where they have been long made; 
but I do not see the propriety of creating them anew, — and for 
a church, too, to which the majority of the people do not belong. 
Then, with regard to the regulations which have been made for 
the new college, I see with astonishment that, in a country where 



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29x8 SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH 

the majority of the people do not belong to the Church of Eng- 
land, the professors are all to subscribe to the Thirty-Nine Arti- 
cles; so that, if Dr. Adam Smith were alive, he could not fill the 
chair of Political Economy, and Doctor Black would be excluded 
from that of Chemistry. Another thing should be considered: 
a large portion of the population consists of American settlers, 
who can least of all men bear the intrusion of law into the 
domains of conscience and religion. It is a bad augury for the 
welfare of the Province that opinions prevalent at the distance 
of thousands of miles are to be the foundations of the college 
charter; it is still worse, if they be only the opinions of a faction, 
that we cannot interfere to correct the injustice. 

To the proposed plan for the union of the two provinces 
there are so many and such powerful objections, that I scarcely 
think that such a measure can soon be successfully concluded. 
The bill proposed in 1822, whereby the bitterness of the Lower 
Canada assembly was to be mitigated by an infusion of mildness 
from the Upper Province, — failing as it did, — has excited gen- 
eral alarm and mistrust among all your colonies. Except that 
measure, which ought to be looked upon as a warning rather 
than a precedent, I think the grounds upon which we have now 
been called on to interfere the scantiest that ever were ex- 
hibited. 

I do not know, sir, what other plans are to be produced, but 
I think the wisest measure would be to send out a temperate 
governor, with instructions to be candid, and to supply him with 
such a council as will put an end to the present disputes and 
infuse a better spirit into the administration than it has known 
for the last ten years. I wish, however, to state that I have not 
come to a final judgment, but have merely described what the 
bearing of my mind is on those general maxims of colonial pol- 
icy, any deviation from which is as inconsistent with national 
policy as it is with national justice. 



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SIR JAMBS MACKINTOSH ^^ip 



PELTIER AND THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 

(Prom the Speech of February szst, 1803, in the Coart of King's Bench, De- 
fending M. Peltier against the Charge of Libeling Napoleon Bonaparte) 

[Under the English Libel La\vs of 1803, it was an offense to attack the 
established authorities of any power at peace with England. As France and 
England were then at peace, Peltier, a French exile in England, was arrested 
at the instance of Napoleon, then First Consid, for an attack published in 
London.] 

Gentlemen: — 

THE French Revolution — I must pause after I have uttered 
words which present such an overwhelming idea. But I 
have not now to engage in an enterprise so far beyond my 
force as that of examining and judging that tremendous Revolu- 
tion; I have only to consider the character of the factions which 
it must have left behind it. 

The French Revolution began with great and fatal errors. 
These errors produced atrocious crimes. A mild and feeble 
monarchy was succeeded by bloody anarchy, which very shortly 
gave birth to military despotism. France in a few years de- 
scribed the whole circle of human society. 

All this was in the order of nature. When every principle 
of authority and civil discipline; when every principle which en- 
ables some men to command and disposes others to obey was 
extirpated from the mind by atrocious theories and still more 
atrocious examples; when every old institution was trampled 
down with contumely, and every new institution covered in its 
cradle with blood; when the principle of property itself, the 
sheet-anchor of society, was annihilated; when in the persons of 
the new possessors, whom the poverty of language obliges us to 
call proprietors, it was contaminated in its source by robbery 
and murder, and it became separated from that education and 
those manners, from that general presumption of superior knowl- 
edge and more scrupulous probity which form its only liberal 
titles to respect; when the people were taught to despise every- 
thing old and compelled to detest everything new; there re- 
mained only one principle strong enough to hold society together, 
—a principle utterly incompatible, indeed, with liberty, and un- 
friendly to civilization itself, — a tyrannical and barbarous prin- 
ciple, — but, in that miserable condition of human affairs, a refuge 
from still more intolerable evils. I mean the principle of military 



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2^2 o SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH 

powerj whicn gains strength from that confusion and bloodshed 
in which all the other elements of society are dissolved, and 
which, in these terrible extremities, is the cement that preserves 
it from total destruction. 

Under such circumstances, Bonaparte usurped the supreme 
power in France. I say usurped, because an illegal assumption 
of power is a usurpation. But- usurpation, in its strongest moral 
sense, is scarcely applicable to a period of lawless and savage 
anarchy. The guilt of military usurpation, in truth, belongs to 
the author of those confusions which sooner or later give birth 
to such a usurpation. . . . 

As for the wretched populace who were made the blind and 
senseless instrument of so many crimes, whose frenzy can now 
be reviewed by a good mind with scarcely any moral sentiment 
but that of compassion, that miserable multitude of beings, 
scarcely human, have already fallen into a brutish forgetfulness 
of the very atrocities which they themselves perpetrated. They 
have already forgotten all the acts of their drunken fury. If 
you ask one of them who destroyed that magnificent monument 
of religion and art, or who perpetrated that massacre, they stu- 
pidly answer. The Jacobins! though he who gives the answer 
was probably one of these Jacobins himself; so that a traveler 
ignorant of French history might suppose the Jacobins to be the 
name of some Tartar horde, who, after laying waste France for 
ten years, were at last expelled by the native inhabitants. They 
have passed from senseless rage to stupid quiet. Their delirium 
is followed by lethargy. . . . 

Some of them, indeed, the basest of the race, the sophists, the 
rhetors, the poet laureates of murder, who were cruel only from 
cowardice and calculating selfishness, are perfectly willing to trans- 
fer their venal pens to any government that does not disdain 
their infamous support. These men, republicans from servility, 
who published rhetorical panegyrics on massacre, and who re- 
duced plunder to a system of ethics, are as ready to preach slav- 
ery as anarchy. But the more daring, I had almost said the more 
respectable, ruffians cannot so easily bend their heads under the 
yoke. These fierce spirits have not lost * the unconquerable will, 
the study of revenge, immortal hate.^* They leave the luxuries 
of servitude to the mean and dastardly hypocrites, to the Belials 
and Mammons of the infernal faction. They pursue their old 
end of t3n"anny under their old pretext of liberty. The recollec- 
tion of their unbounded power renders every inferior condition 



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SIR JAMBS MACKINTOSH 292 1 

irksome and vapid, and their former atrocities form, if I may so 
speak, a sort of moral destiny which irresistibly impels them to 
the perpetration of new crimes. They have no place left for 
penitence on earth. They labor under the most awful proscrip- 
tion of opinion that ever was pronounced against human beings. 
They have cut down every bridge by which they could retreat 
into the society of men. Awakened from their dreams of democ- 
racy, the noise subsided that deafened their ears to the voice of 
humanity; the film fallen from their eyes which hid from them 
the blackness of their own deeds; haunted by the memory of 
their inexpiable g^ilt; condemned daily to look on the faces of 
those whom their hands made widows and orphans, they are 
goaded and scourged by these real furies, and hurried into the 
tumult of new crimes, which will drown the cries of remorse, or, 
if they be too depraved for remorse, will silence the curses of 
mankind. Tyrannical power is their only refuge from the just 
vengeance of their fellow-creatures. Murder is their only means 
of usurping power. They have no taste, no occupation, no pur- 
suit but power and blood. If their hands are tied, they must at 
least have the luxury of murderous projects. They have drunk 
too deeply of human blood ever to relinquish their cannibal ap- 
petite. . . . 

I have used the word republican because it is the name by 
which this atrocious faction describes itself. The assumption of 
that name is one of their crimes. They are no more republicans 
than royalists. They are the common enemies of all human so- 
ciety. God forbid that by the use of that word I should be sup- 
posed to reflect on the members of those respectable republican 
communities which did exist in Europe before the French Revolu- 
tion. That Revolution has spared many monarchies, but it has 
spared no republic within the sphere of its destructive energy. 
One republic only now exists in the world — a republic of Eng- 
lish blood, which was originally composed of republican societies, 
tmder the protection of a monarchy, which had therefore no great 
and perilous change in their internal constitution to effect, and 
of which, — I speak it with pleasure and pride, — the inhabitants, 
even in the convulsions of a most deplorable separation, dis- 
played the humanity as well as valor which, I trust I may say, 
they inherited from their forefathers. 

Nor do I mean by the use of the word * republican® to con- 
fotmd this execrable faction with all those who, in the liberty of 
private speculation, may prefer a republican form of government. 



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3^22 SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH 

I own that after much reflection I am not able to conceive an 
error more gross than that of those who believe in the possibility 
of erecting a republic in any of the old monarchical coimtries of 
Europe, who believe that in such countries an elective supreme 
magistracy can produce anything but a succession of stem tyran- 
nies arid bloody civil wars. It is a supposition which is belied by 
all experience, and which betrays the greatest ignorance of the 
first principles of the constitution of society. It is an error 
which has a false appearance of superiority over vulgar prejudice; 
it is, therefore, too apt to be attended with the most criminal 
rashness and presumption, and too easy to be inflamed into the 
xnost immoral and antisocial fanaticism. But as long as it re- 
mains a mere quiescent error, it is not the proper subject of 
moral disapprobation. . . . 

I must entreat you to bear with me, to allow me to suppose 
a case which might have occurred, in which you will see the hor- 
rible consequences of enforcing rigorously principles of law, 
which I cannot counteract, against political writers. We might 
have been at peace with France during the whole of that terrible 
period which elapsed between August 1792 and 1794, which has 
been usually called the reign of Robespierre — the only series of 
crimes, perhaps, in history, which, in spite of the common dispo- 
sition to exaggerate extraordinary facts, has been beyond measure 
underrated in public opinion! I say this, gentlemen, after an in- 
vestigation, which I think entitles me to affirm it with confidence. 
Men's minds were oppressed by atrocity and the multitude of 
crimes; their humanity and their indolence took refuge in skepti- 
cism from such an overwhelming mass of guilt; and the conse- 
quence was, that all these unparalleled enormities, though proved, 
not only with the fullest historical, but with the strictest judicial 
evidence, were at the time only half believed and are now 
scarcely half remembered. When these atrocities were daily per- 
petrating, of which the greatest part are as little known to the 
public in general as the campaigns of Genghis Khan, but are still 
protected from the scrutiny of men by the immensity of those 
voluminous records of guilt in which they are related, and under 
the mass of which they will be buried, till some historian be 
found with patience and courage enough to drag them forth into 
light, for the shame indeed, but for the instruction of mankind, 
— when these crimes were perpetrating, which had the peculiar 
malignity, from the pretexts with which they were covered, of 
making the noblest objects of human pursuit seem odious and 



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SIR JAMBS MACKINTOSH 2923 

detestable; which have almost made the names of liberty, reform- 
ation, and humanity synonymous with anarchy, robbery, and 
murder; which thus threatened not only to extinguish every 
principle of improvement, to arrest the progress of civilized 
society, and to disinherit future generations of that rich succes- 
sion which they were entitled to expect from the knowledge and 
wisdom of the present, but to destroy the civilization of Europe, 
which never gave such a proof of its vigor and robustness as in 
being able to resist their destructive power, — when all these hor- 
rors were acting in the greatest empire of the continent, I will 
ask my learned friend, if we had then been at peace with Prance, 
how English writers were to relate them so as to escape the 
charge of libeling a friendly government. . . . 

My learned friend might then have been compelled to have 
filed a criminal information against Mr. Peltier for * wickedly 
and maliciously intending to vilify and degrade MaximiUen Robes- 
pierre, president of the committee of public safety of the Prench 
Republic!* He might have been reduced to the sad necessity of 
appearing before you to belie his own better feelings; to prose- 
cute Mr. Peltier for publishing those sentiments which my friend 
himself had a thousand times felt and a thousand times ex- 
pressed. He might have been obliged even to call for punish- 
ment upon Mr. Peltier for language which he and all mankind 
would forever despise Mr. Peltier if he were not to employ. 
Then, indeed, gentlemen, we should have seen the last humilia- 
tion fall on England; the tribunals, the spotless and venerable 
tribunals of this free country, reduced to be the ministers of the 
vengeance of Robespierre! What could have rescued us from 
this last disgrace ? The honesty and courage of a jury. They 
would have delivered the judges of this country from the dire 
necessity of inflicting punishment on a brave and virtuous man, 
because he spoke truth of a monster. They would have despised 
the threats of a foreign tyrant, as their ancestors braved the 
power of oppression at home. 

In the court where we are now met, Cromwell twice sent a 
satirist on his tyranny to be convicted and punished as a libeler; 
and in this court, almost in sight of the scafEold streaming with 
the blood of his Sovereign, within hearing of the clash of his 
bayonets which drove out Parliament with contumely, two succes- 
sive juries rescued the intrepid satirist from his fangs, and sent 
out with defeat and disgrace the usurper's attorney-general from 
what he had the insolence to call his court. Even then, gentle - 



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2924 ^^ JAMES MACKINTOSH 

men, when all law and liberty were trampled under the feet of 
military banditti; when those great crimes were perpetrated on 
a high place and with a high hand against those who were the 
objects of public veneration, which, more than anything else, 
break their spirits and confound their moral sentiments, obliter- 
ate the distinctions between right and wrong in their understand- 
ing, and teach the multitude to feel no longer any reverence for 
that justice which they thus see triumphantly dragged at the 
chariot wheels of a tyrant; even then, when this unhappy coun- 
try, triumphant indeed abroad, but enslaved at home, had no 
prospect but that of a long succession of tyrants wading through 
slaughter to a throne — even then, I say, when all seemed lost, 
the unconquerable spirit of English liberty survived in the hearts 
of English jurors. That spirit is, I trust in God, not extinct; and 
if any modem tyrant were, in the drunkenness of his insolence, to 
hope to overawe an English jury, I trust and I believe that they 
would tell him: *Our ancestors braved the bayonets of Cromwell; 
we bid defiance to yours. Contempsi Catalina gladios — non per- 
timescam tuos!^ 

What could be such a tyrant's means of overawing a jury? 
As long as their country exists, they are girt round with im- 
penetrable armor. Till the destruction of their country no dan- 
ger can fall upon them for the performance of their duty, and I 
do trust that there is no Englishman so unworthy of life as to 
desire to outlive England. But if any of us are condemned to 
the cruel punishment of surviving our country — if, in the in- 
scrutable counsels of Providence, this favored seat of justice and 
liberty, this noblest work of human wisdom and virtue, be des- 
tined to destruction, — which I shall not be charged with national 
prejudice for sa3dng would be the most dangerous wound ever 
inflicted on civilization, — at least let us carry with us into our sad 
exile the consolation that we ourselves have not violated the 
rights of hospitality to exiles, that we have not torn from the 
altar the suppliant who claimed protection as the voluntary vic- 
tim of loyalty and conscience! 

Gentlemen, I now leave this unfortunate gentleman in your 
hands. His character and his situation might interest your hu- 
manity; but, on his behalf, I ask only justice from you. I ask 
only a favorable construction of what cannot be said to be more 
than ambiguous language, and this you will soon be told from 
the highest authority is a part of justice. 



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2925 




JAMES MADISON 

{1751-1836) 

^N THE suggestion of James Madison, commissioners from Mary- 
land and Virginia met at Mount Vernon, in March 1785, to 
discns's means of exercising their joint jurisdiction over 
Chesapeake Bay and the Potomac. Maryland having proposed to in- 
vite other States, Madison saw the opportunity for a general move- 
ment, and on his initiative were held, first, the Annapolis meeting 
of 1786, and, next year, the Philadelphia Convention, which adopted 
the Federal Constitution. As Madison had been one of the framers 
of the <^ Virginia plan* presented to the convention, he is called «the 
Father of the Constitution. » By his letters in the Federalist and by 
his advocacy of the Constitution against Patrick Henry in the Vir- 
ginia Convention, he probably did more than even Washington or 
Hamilton to secure its adoption. He did not remain a Federalist, 
however. He had advocated a Federal Government based on the 
power of the people of the whole Union, as well as of the States, but 
he intended that the States should remain free and indestructible, 
and when issues were joined against the Alien and Sedition Laws he 
wrote the celebrated Virginia Resolutions, asserting that : * The Consti- 
tution of the United States was a compact, to which the States were 
parties, granting limited powers of government; that in the case of 
deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers not 
granted by the compact, the States had the right, and were in duty 
bound to interpose for arresting the progress of the evils. '^ When the 
Virginia Resolutions were afterwards quoted in support of the South 
Carolina theory of Nullification, Madison denied that they would bear 
such a construction and declared himself opposed to Nullification as 
a mode of the * interposition * he had advised. 

As President of the United States, Madison ranks above Jefferson 
— and, indeed, above any other President, except Washington, in per- 
sonal dignity and in the dignity of his administration. Unassuming 
and unselfish, he showed himself in public as in private life the best 
type of the educated American gentleman. 



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2926 JAIfBS MADISON 



STATE SOVEREIGNTY AND FEDERAL SUPREMACY 

(Prom the Speech Delivered in the Virginia Convention, June 1788, on the 
Adoption of the Pederal Constitution) 

Mr. Chairman: — 

IN CONSIDERING this great subject, I trust we shall find that part 
which gives the General Government the power of laying and 
collecting taxes indispensable and essential to the existence 
of any eflScient or well-organized system of government If we 
consult reason, and be ruled by its dictates, we shall find its 
justification there; if we review the experience we have had, or 
contemplate the history of nations, here we find ample reason to 
prove its expediency. There is little reason to depend for neces- 
sary supplies on a body which is fully x)Ossessed of the power of 
withholding them. If a government depend on other govern- 
ments for its revenues — if it must depend on the voluntary con- 
tributions of its members — its existence must be precarious. A 
government which relies on thirteen independent sovereignties 
for the means of its existence is a solecism in theory and a 
mere nullity in practice. Is it consistent with reason that such 
a government can promote the happiness of any people? It is 
subversive of every principle of sound policy to trust the safety 
of a community with a government totally destitute of the means 
of protecting itself or its members. . Can Congress, after the re- 
peated unequivocal proofs it has experienced of the utter inutil- 
ity and ineflScacy of requisitions, reasonably expect that they 
would be hereafter effectual or productive ? Will not the same 
local interests and other causes militate against a compliance? 
Whoever hopes the contrary must ever be disappointed. The 
eflFect, sir, cannot be changed without a removal of the cause. 
Let each county in this Commonwealth be supposed free and in- 
dependent; let your revenues depend on requisitions of propor- 
tionate quotas from them; let application be made to them 
repeatedly: is it to be presumed that they would comply, or that 
an adequate collection could be made from partial compliances? 
It is now diflScult to collect the taxes from them. How much 
would that difficulty be enhanced, were you to depend solely on 
their generosity! I appeal to the reason of every gentleman 
here, whether he is not persuaded that the present Confederation 
is as feeble as the government of Virginia would be in that 



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JAMBS MADISON 2927 

case; to the same reason I appeal, whether it be compatible with 
prudence to continue a government of such manifest and palpa- 
ble debility. 

If we recur to history, and review the annals of mankind, I 
imdertake to say that no instance can be produced, by the most 
learned man, of any confederate government that will justify a 
continuance of the present system, or that will not demonstrate 
the necessity of this change, and of substituting for the present 
pernicious and fatal plan the system now under consideration, or 
one equally energetic. The uniform conclusion drawn from a 
review of ancient and modem confederacies is that, instead of 
promoting the public happiness, or securing public tranquillity, 
they have, in every instance, been productive of anarchy and 
confusion, ineflfectual for the preservation of harmony, and a prey 
to their own dissensions and foreign invasions. 

The Amphictyonic league resembled our Confederation in its 
nominal powers; it was possessed of rather more power. The 
component States retained their sovereignty, and enjoyed an 
equality of suffrage in the federal council. But though its pow- 
ers were more considerable in many respects than those of our 
present system, yet it had the same radical defect. Its powers 
were exercised over its individual members in their political 
capacities. To this capital defect it owed its disorders and final 
destruction.- It was compelled to recur to the sanguinary coer- 
cion of war to enforce its decrees. The struggles consequent on 
a refusal to obey a decree, and an attempt to enforce it, pro- 
duced the necessity of applying to foreign assistance. By com- 
plying with such an application, together with his intrigues, 
Philip of Macedon acquired sufiScient influence to become a mem- 
ber of the league. This artful and insidious prince soon after 
became master of their liberties. 

The AchflBsan league, though better constructed than the 
Amphictyonic, in material respects, was continually agfitated with 
domestic dissensions and driven to the necessity of calling in 
foreign aid; this, also, eventuated in the demolition of their con- 
federacy. Had they been more closely united, their people would 
have been happier; and their united wisdom and strength would 
not only have rendered unnecessary all foreign interpositions in 
their aflfairs, but would have enabled them to repel the attack of 
an enemy. If we descend to more modem examples, we shall 
find the same evils resulting from the same sources. 



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2928 JAMBS MADISON 

The Germanic system is neither adequate to the external de- 
fense nor internal felicity of the people. The doctrine of quotas 
and requisitions flourishes here. Without energy, without sta- 
bility, the empire is a nerveless body. The most furious con- 
flicts and the most implacable animosities between its members 
strikingly distinguish its history. Concert and co-operation are 
incompatible with such an injudiciously constructed system. 

The republic of the Swiss is sometimes instanced for its sta- 
bility; but even there, dissensions and wars of a bloody nature 
have been frequently seen among the cantons. A peculiar coin- 
cidence of circumstances contributes to the continuance of their 
political connection. Their feeble association owes its existence 
to their singular situation. There is a schism, this moment, in 
their confederacy, which, without the necessity of uniting for their 
external defense, would immediately produce its dissolution. 

The confederate government of Holland is a further confirma- 
tion of the characteristic imbecility of such governments. From 
the history of this government we might derive lessons of the 
most important utility. . . . 

We may derive much benefit from the experience of that 
unhappy country. Governments destitute of energy will ever 
produce anarchy. These facts are worthy the most serious con- 
sideration of every gentleman here. Does not the history of 
these confederacies coincide with the lesson drawn from our own 
experience? I must certainly pray that America may have suf- 
ficient wisdom to avail herself of the instructive information she 
may derive from a contemplation of the sources of their mis- 
fortunes, and that she may escape a similar fate by avoiding the 
causes from which their infelicity sprang. If the General Gov- 
ernment is to depend on the voluntary contribution of the States 
for its support, dismemberment of the United States may be the 
consequence. In cases of imminent danger, only the States more 
immediately exposed to it would exert themselves; those remote 
from it would be too supine to interest themselves warmly in 
the fate of those whose distresses they did not immediately per- 
ceive. The General Government ought, therefore, to be empow- 
ered to defend the whole Union. 

Must we not suppose that those parts of America which are 
most exposed will first be the scenes of war? Those nations 
whose interest is incompatible with an extension of our power, 
and who are jealous of our resources to become powerful and 



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JAMES MADISON 2^29 

wealthy, must naturally be inclined to exert every means to pre- 
vent our becoming formidable. Will they not be impelled to at- 
tack the most exx)Osed parts of the Union ? Will not their knowl- 
edge of the weakness of our government stimulate them the 
more readily to such an attack ? Those parts to which relief can 
be afforded with most diflSculty are the extremities of the coun- 
try, and will be the first objects of our enemies. The General 
Government, having no resources beyond what are adequate to its 
existing necessities, will not be able to afford any effectual suc- 
cor to those parts which may be invaded. 

America, in such a case, would palpably perceive the danger 
and folly of withholding from the Union a power sufficient to 
protect the whole territory of the United States. Such an attack 
is far from improbable; and if it be actually made, it is difficult 
to conceive a possibility of escaping the catastrophe of a dismem- 
berment On this subject we may receive an estimable and in- 
structive lesson from an American confederacy — from an example 
which has happened in our country, and which applies to us 
with peculiar force, being most analogous to our situation; I 
mean that species of association or union which subsisted in New 
England. The colonies of Massachusetts, Bristol, Connecticut, 
and New Hampshire were confederated together. 

The object of that confederacy was, primarily, to defend them- 
selves against the inroads and depredations of the Indians. They 
had a common council consisting of deputies from each party, 
with an equality of suffrage in their deliberations. The general 
expenditures and charges were to be adequately defrayed. Its 
powers were very similar to those of the Confederation. Its his- 
tory proves clearly that a government founded on such principles 
must ever disappoint the hopes of those who expect its operation 
to be conducive to the public happiness. 

There are facts on record to prove that, instead of answering 
the end of its institution, or the expectation of its framers, it was 
violated with impunity and only regarded when it coincided per- 
fectly with the views and immediate interests of the respective 
parties. 

The strongest member of the Union availed itself of its cir- 
cumstances to infringe their confederacy. Massachusetts refused 
to pay its quotas. In the war between England and Holland, it 
was found particularly necessary to make exertions for the pro- 
tection of that country, 
vm — 184 



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2930 JAMES MADISON 

Massachusetts, being then more powerful and less exposed 
than the other colonies, refused its contributions to the general 
defense. In consequence of this, the common council remon- 
strated against the council of Massachusetts. This altercation 
terminated in the dissolution of their union. From this brief ac- 
count of a system perfectly resembling our present one, we may 
easily divine the inevitable consequences of a longer adherence to 
the latter. . . , 

If we take experience for our guide, we shall find still more 
instructive direction on this subject. The weakness of the exist- 
ing articles of the Union showed itself during the war. It has 
manifested itself, since the peace, to such a degree as admits of 
no doubt to a rational, intelligent, and unbiased mind, of the ne- 
cessity of alteration; nay, this necessity is obvious to all America; 
it has forced itself on the minds of the people. The committee 
has been informed that the Confederation was not completed till 
the year 1781, when a great portion of the war was ended; con- 
sequently no part of the merit of the antecedent operations of 
the war could justly be attributed to that system. Its debility 
was perceived almost as soon as it was put in operation. A re- 
capitulation of the proofs which have been experienced of its 
inefficacy is unnecessary. It is most notorious that feebleness 
universally marked its character. Shall we be safe in another 
war in the same situation ? That instrument required the volun- 
tary contributions of the States, and thereby sacrificed some of 
our best privileges. The most intolerable and unwarrantable op- 
pressions were committed on the people during the late war. 
The gross enormity of those oppressions might have produced 
the most serious consequences were it not for the spirit of liberty 
which preponderated against every consideration. 

A scene of injustice, partiality, and oppression may bring 
heavenly vengeance on any people. We are now, by our suffer- 
ing, expiating the crimes of the otherwise glorious revolution. 
Is it not known to every member of this committee that the 
great principles of a free government were reversed through the 
whole progress of that scene ? Was not every State harassed ? 
Was not every individual oppressed and subjected to repeated 
distresses? Was this right? Was it a proper form of govern- 
ment that warranted, authorized, or overlooked the most wanton 
deprivation of property? Had the government been vested with 
complete power to procure a regular and adequate supply of 



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JAMES MADISON 2931 

reventie, those oppressive measures would have been unnecessary. 
But, sir, can it be supposed that a repetition of such measures 
would ever be acquiesced in ? Can a government that stands in 
need of such measures secure the liberty or promote the happi- 
ness or glory of any country? If we do not change this system, 
consequences must ensue that gentlemen do not now apprehend. 
If other testimony were necessary, I might appeal to that which 
I am sure is very weighty, but which I mention with reluctance. 
At the conclusion of the war, the man who had the most exten- 
sive acquaintance with the nature of the country, who well un- 
derstood its interests, and who had given the most unequivocal 
and most brilliant proofs of attachment to its welfare, when he 
laid down the arms wherewith he had so nobly and successfully 
defended his country, publicly testified his disapprobation of the 
present system and suggested that some alteration was neces- 
sary to render it adequate to the security of our happiness. I 
did not introduce that great name to bias any gentleman here. 
Much as I admire and revere the man, I consider these members 
as not to be actuated by the influence of any man; but I in- 
troduce him as a respectable witness to prove that the Articles 
of Confederation were inadequate and that we must resort, to 
something else. His modesty did not point out what ought 
to be done, but said that some great change was necessary. 
But, sir, testimony, if wished for, may be found in abundance, 
aad numerous conclusive reasons urged for this change. Experi- 
ence was daily producing such irresistible proofs of the defects of 
this system, that this Commonwealth was induced to exert her 
influence to meliorate it; she began that noble work, in which I 
hope she will persist; she proposed to revise it; her proposition 
met with that concurrence which that of a respectable party will 
always meet. I am sure, if demonstration were necessary on the 
part of this commonwealth, reasons have been abundantly heard, 
in the course of this debate, manifold and cogent enough, not 
only to operate conviction, but to disgust an attentive hearer. 
Recollect the resolution of the year 1784. It was then found 
that the whole burden of the Union was sustained by a few 
States. This State was likely to be saddled with a very dispro- 
portionate share. That expedient was proposed (to obviate this 
inconvenience) which has been placed in its true light It has 
been painted in sufficient horrors by the honorable gentleman 
who spoke last 



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2932 JAMBS MADISON 

I agree with the honorable gentleman [Mr. Henry] that na- 
tional splendor and glory are not our objects; but does he distin- 
guish between what will render us secure and happy at home, 
and what will render us respectable abroad ? If we be free and 
happy at home, we shall be respectable abroad. 

The Confederation is so notoriously feeble that foreign nations 
are unwilling to form any treaties with us; they are apprised 
that our General Government cannot perform any of its engage- 
ments, but that they may be violated at pleasure by any of the 
States. Our violation of treaties already entered into proves this 
truth unequivocally. No nation will, therefore, make any stipula- 
tions with Congress, conceding any advantages of importance to 
us; they will be the more adverse to entering into engagements 
with us, as the imbecility of our government enables them to 
derive many advantages from our trade, without granting us any 
return. But were this country united by proper bands, in addi- 
tion to other great advantages, we could form very beneficial 
treaties with foreign States. But this can never happen without 
a change in our system. Were we not laughed at by the minis- 
ter of that nation from which we may be able yet to extort 
some of the most salutary measures for this country? Were we 
not told that it was necessary to temporize till our government 
acquired consistency? Will any nation relinquish national advan- 
tages to us ? You will be greatly disappointed if you expect any 
such good effects from this contemptible system. Let us recol- 
lect our conduct to that country from which we have received 
the most friendly aid. How have we dealt with that benevolent 
ally? Have we complied with our most sacred obligations to 
that nation ? Have we paid the interest punctually from year to 
year? Is not the interest accumulating while not a shilling is 
discharged of the principal ? The magnanimity and forbearance 
of that ally are so great that she has not called upon us for her 
claims, even in her own distress and necessity. This, sir, is an 
additional motive to increase our exertions. At this moment of 
time a very considerable amount is due from us to that country 
and others. . . . 

We have been obliged to borrow money even to pay the 
interest of our debts. This is a ruinous and most disgraceful 
expedient. Is this a situation on which America can rely for 
security and happiness? How are we to extricate ourselves? 
The honorable member told us we might rely on the punctuality 



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JAMBS MADISON 3^33 

and friendship of the States, and that they will discharge their 
quotas for the future. The contributions of the States have been 
found inadequate from the beginning, and are diminishing in- 
stead of increasing. Prom the month of June 1787 till June 
1788, they have paid only $276,641 into the Federal Treasury for 
the purposes of supporting the National Government and dis- 
charging the interest of the national debts — a sum so very in- 
sufficient that it must greatly alarm the friends of their country. 
Suggestions and strong assertions dissipate before these facts. 






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2934 




HENRY EDWARD, CARDINAL MANNING 
(1808-1892) 

|h£ address on the two thousand six hnndred and fifteenth 
anniversary of the foundation of Rome probably did more 
than any other single discourse to give Cardinal Manning 
his promotion, and it no doubt expresses more fully than any other 
the feeling which had influenced him in leaving the Church of Eng- 
land for that of Rome. 

Manning was bom at Totteridge, England, July 15th, 1808. His 
father, a wealthy East India merchant, educated him carefully. At 
Oxford where he graduated, he had Gladstone as a companion and 
Charles Wordsworth as a tutor. Entering the Church of England, he 
was made Archdeacon of Chichester in 1840. Ten years later he re- 
signed, and leaving the Church of England was ordained a Roman 
Catholic priest. He was steadily advanced by the Pope, who made 
him Archbishop of Westminster in 1865 and Cardinal in 1875. He 
died January 14th, 1892. His published sermons, addresses, and other 
works are numerous. As a writer and public speaker, he illustrates 
the best traditions of the English language, in purity of diction, in 
directness of movement, and in strength of construction. 



«ROME THE ETERNAL » 

(Prom a Discourse Delivered before the Accademia Quiriti, in Rome, on the 
Two Thousand Six Hundred and Fifteenth Anniversary of the City, 
April 2ist, 1863) 

I KNOW of no point of view in which the glory of Rome is more 
conspicuous than in its civil mission to the races of the world. 
When the seat of empire was translated from Rome to Con- 
stantinople, all the culture and civilization of Italy seemed to be 
carried away to enrich and to adorn the East. It seemed as if 
God had decreed to reveal to the world what his Church could 
do without the world, and what the world could not do without 
the Church. A more melancholy history than that of the Byzan- 
tine Empire is nowhere to be read. It is one long narrative of 
the usurpation and insolent dominion of the world over the 



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HENRY EDWARD, CARDINAL MANNING 



^935 



Churchy which, becoming schismatical and isolated, fell easily un- 
der its imperial masters. With all its barbaric splendor and its 
imperial power, what has Constantinople accomplished for the 
civilization or the Christianity of the East? If the salt had kept 
its savor, it would not have been cast out and trodden under the 
foot of the Eastern Antichrist. 

While this was accomplishing in the East, in the West a new 
world was rising, in order, unity, and fruitfulness, under the 
action of the Pontiffs. Even the hordes which inundated Italy 
were changed by them from the wildness of nature to the life 
of Christian civilization. From St. Lrco to St. Gregory the Great, 
Christian Europe may be said not to exist! Rome stood alone 
under the rule of its Pontiffs, while as yet empires and kingdoms 
had no existence. Thus, little by little, and one by one, the na- 
tions which now make up the unity of Christendom were created, 
trained, and formed to political societies. First LfOmbardy, then 
Gaul, then Spain, then Germany, than Saxon England; then the 
first germs of lesser States began to appear. But to whom did 
they owe the laws, the principles, and the influences which made 
their existence possible, coherent, and mature ? It was to the Ro- 
man Pontiffs that they owed the first rudiments of their social 
and political order. It was the exposition of the Divine law by 
the lips of the Vicar of Jesus Christ that founded the Christian 
policy of the world. 

This the Church has been able to do without the world, and 
even in spite of it. Nothing can be conceived more isolated, 
more feeble, or more encompassed with peril, than the line of 
the Roman Pontiffs; nevertheless, they have maintained inviolate 
their independence with their sacred deposit of faith and of juris- 
diction, through all ages and through all conflicts, from the be- 
ginning to this hour. It seemed as if God willed to remove the 
first Christian emperor from Rome in the early fervor of his 
conversion, lest it should seem as if the sovereignty of the Church 
were in any way the creation of his power. God is jealous of his 
own kingdom and will not suffer any tmconsecrated hand to be 
laid upon his ark, even for its support. 

The ^ stone cut out without hands,* which became a great 
mountain and filled the whole earth, is typical, not only of the 
expansion and universality of the Church, but of its mysterious 
and supernatural character. No human hand has accomplished 
its greatness. The hand of Grod alone could bring it to pass. 



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2936 HENRY EDWARD, CARDINAL MANNING 

What is there in the history of the world parallel to the Rome 
of the Christians? The most warlike and imperial people of 
the world gave place to a people unarmed and without power. 
The pacific people arose from the Catacombs and entered 
upon the possession of Rome as their inheritance. The exist- 
ence of Christian Rome, both in its formation, and next in its 
perpetuity, is a miracle of Divine power. God alone could give 
it to his people; God alone could preserve it to them, and them 
in it. What more wonderful sight than to see a Franciscan 
monk leading the Via Crucis in the Flavian Amphitheatre, or the 
Passionist missionaries conversing peacefully among the ilexes 
and the vaults where the wild beasts from Africa thirsted for the 
blood of Christians? Who has prevailed upon the world for one 
thousand five hundred years to fall back as Attila did from 
Christian Rome? Who has persuaded its will, and paralyzed its 
ambitions and conflicting interests? Such were my thoughts the 
other day when the Sovereign Pontiff, surrounded by the princes 
and pastors of the Church, was celebrating the festival of the 
Resurrection over the Confession of Saint Peter. I thought of 
the ages past, when in the amphitheatre of Nero, within which 
we stood, thousands of msLTtyrs fell beneath the arms of the 
heathen. And now, the Rex Pacificus, the vicar of the prince of 
peace, there holds his court and offers over the tomb of the 
Apostle the unbloody sacrifice of our redemption. The legions 
of Rome have given way before a people who have never lifted 
a hand in war. They have taken the city of the Caesars, and 
hold it to this day. The more than imperial court which sur- 
rounded the Vicar of Jesus Christ surpassed the glories of the 
Empire. *This is the victory which overcometh the world, even 
our Faith.* The noblest spectacle upon earth is an unarmed 
man, whom all the world cannot bend by favor or by fear. Such 
a man is essentially above all worldly powers. And such, emi- 
nent among the inflexible, is he, the Pontiff and King, who, in 
the midst of the confusions and rebellions of the whole earth, 
bestowed that day his benediction upon the city and the world. 
It is no wonder to me that Italians should believe in the pri- 
macy of Italy. Italy has, indeed, a primacy, but not that of which 
some have dreamed. The primacy of Italy is the presence of 
Rome; and the primacy of Rome is in its apostleship to the 
whole human race, in the science of God with which it has illumi- 
nated mankind, in its supreme and world-wide jurisdiction over 



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HENRY EDWARD, CARDINAL MANNING 393^ 

souls, in its high tribunal of appeal from all the authorities on 
earth, in its inflexible exposition of the moral law, in its sacred 
diplomacy, by which it binds the nations of Christendom into a 
confederacy of order and of justice, — these are its true, supreme, 
and — because God so has willed — its inalienable and incommuni- 
cable primacy among the nations of the earth. Take these away, 
and Rome becomes less than Jerusalem, and Italy one among 
the nations, and not the first. The world does not return upon 
its path, nor reproduce its past. Time was when Rome wielded 
an irresistible power by its legions and its armies throughout the 
world. The nations of Europe and of the East were then bar- 
barous or unorganized, without cohesion and without unity of 
win or power. Those uncivilized and dependent provinces are 
now kingdoms and empires, wielding each a power, in peace and 
in war, mature and massive as the power of Rome in its ripest 
season. It is a delirium of the memory for Italy to dream now of 
empire and of supremacy in the order of nature — that is, of war 
and conquest. The primacy of Italy is Christian and Catholic, or 
it has none. Alas for your fair land and for your noble race, if, 
forgetting its true greatness, it covet false glory which is not its 
own. In that hour it abdicates its mission — the greatest a peo- 
ple ever had — and descends from its primacy among the nations 
of the world. A vocation lost is prelude to a fall. This is not 
to increase, but to decrease before God and man. 

I do not remember in the history of the world any example 
of the permanent union of temporal splendor with spiritual fruit- 
fulness and power. The sceptre had departed from Judah when 
the waters of eternal life flowed from Jerusalem throughout the 
world. Rome had ceased to be the seat of empire when it be- 
came the mother of Christian nations. When Constantinople 
became imperial, it began to fail in its witness for the faith and 
unity of Jesus Christ. The kingdoms and empires of Christian 
Europe have been faithful to the Holy See in their depression, 
and rebellious in their prosperity. The two nations most Catho- 
lic, most Christian, most filial in their love of the kingdom of 
God, are Ireland and Poland. Rome, I may say, because it is 
the seat of the Vicar of our crucified Lord, is supreme in the 
spiritual order, feeble in the natural and political. *It always 
bears about in the body the mortification of the Lord Jesus, that 
the life also of Jesus may be manifested in its body.* Such is 
its normal state. Let it be recognized as the law of its existence 



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^^33 HENRY EDWARD, CARDINAL MANNING 

and of Its sovereignty, lest the incantations of the tempter steal 
away the hearts of men with visions of unity and empire and 
splendor in this world. It is a severe vocation to be the cross- 
bearers in the procession of the Vicars of our crucified Master. 
But to this you are called. Romans, if you would renew your 
courage for this conflict, lift up your eyes to the cloud of wit- 
nesses which hover above your heads; to the martyrs and confes- 
sors, the Pontiffs and Levites, the virgins and saints, who on 
this soil, by tears and by blood, have overcome the world and 
are now before the throne. Look, too, at the Catholic unity upon 
earth, which but the other day flew hither on the wings of faith 
and love and filial devotion to surround the Vicar of Christ; look 
at the frontiers of the Holy Church, which are flowing outwards 
with ever-expanding force, conquering, and embracing the con- 
quered in the unity of the true fold; look at the circuit of the 
kingdom of God, which rests upon the sunrise and the sunset, 
upon the farthest north and upon the islands of the southern 
seas. It was never yet so vast or widespreading; never did the 
ends of the earth lift up their heads towards the Vicar of the 
Incarnate Word so universally as at this hour. In the moment 
of its anguish and its affliction, when the world believes it to be 
in feebleness and decline, the Holy See is putting forth mightier 
powers, and reigning over wider realms than ever till now. 

But if this be not enough, learn of the world, of its miseries 
and its anguish. Rome laid the foundations of Christian Europe 
on the basis of a supernatural unity; and, with all its revolutions 
and inundations of evil, it abides to this day. England laid the 
foundations of North America upon the basis of natural society; 
and the lifetime of one man is long enough to touch the begin- 
ning and the ending of its political unity. The unity of faith, 
and filial obedience to the unity of the Church in the person of 
its head, in ages past fused the discordant races of England, 
France, and Spain, and made of them kingdoms and monarchies, 
which endure, in their massive consolidation and unity of mind 
and will, unto this hour. So God has ever brought social and 
political unity out of the chaos of disorder. They who begin by 
contending against the fountain and law of unity doom them- 
selves to division and confusion. They are wrestling with neces- 
sity; and he who contends with necessity must fail: * Whoso 
shall fall upon that stone shall be broken, and on whomsoever it 
shall fall it will grind him to powder.*^ 



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HENRY EDWARD, CARDINAL MANNING 



2939 



Bear with me yet a little if I say too much, my colleagues of 
the Accademia; I so love your eternal city as the head of the 
nations of the world, that I love it not at all as the capital of a 
nation. We are surfeited to sickness with national greatness and 
national pride. London, and Manchester, and Glasgow, and Dub- 
lin; Paris, and Lyons, and Madrid; St. Petersburg and New York 
— are more than enough, with their gigantic enterprise, worldly 
splendor, gross material luxury, and low vulgarity of national 
egotism, to cure any man of the folly of exchanging the mother 
and the mistress of the people of the world for the handmaid 
and the servant of a nation. If we desire to be citizens of a 
national capital, we should go elsewhere. Christian Rome is our 
mother. An Italian London has neither our admiration nor 
our love. 

The eternity of Rome, then, if it be not an exact truth, is 
nevertheless no mere rhetorical exaggeration. It denotes the fact 
that Rome has been chosen of Grod as the centre of his kingdom, 
which is eternal, as the depository of his eternal truths, as the 
fountain of his graces which lead men to a higher life, as the 
witness and guardian of law and principles of which the sanc- 
tions and the fruit are eternal. Romans, you have a vocation 
and a mission, a trust and an account to give at the great day, 
to which none but you are called. You have inherited the birth- 
right of Jerusalem, not in the supernatural order only, but even 
in the order of nature. This very city, and you that dwell in it, 
partake of the destinies and the glories of the Incarnation beyond 
all other cities and races. You are the sons and the servants, 
the Levites and the guardians, of the Vicar of the Incarnate Son 
of God. You are, as your own Saint Leo called you of old, * Gens 
sancta^ populus electus^ civitas sacer do talis et regia,^ Your very 
existence is so interwoven with the Incarnation that its suffer- 
ings are your sufferings, its victories your victories, its glories 
your glories. Therefore you have lived in eighteen hundred 
years of combat; therefore you waded through three hundred 
years of persecution and have stood as the triarii of your an- 
cient legions, immovable through fifteen hundred years of inter- 
minable conflict. When all others gave Way before the world, 
Rome has ever restored the battle. And now once more the cry 
is heard, * Res ad triaros perventutn est, * Bear with me if I ven- 
ture to utter what we, in our weakness and isolation, hope for at 
your hands. 



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HENRY EDWARD, CARDINAL MANNING 



I shall say little if I say that on you, under God, we depend 
for the immutability, not only of the faith in all thfe radiance of 
its exposition and illustration, and of the Divine law in all its 
breadth, and purity, and perfection. You are also charged with 
the custody of other truths which descend from this great sphere 
of supernatural light, and with the application of those truths to 
the turbulent and unstable elements of human society. 

You have to bear witness that God has a kingdom among 
men; that Christianity is not a mere school of speculation, a 
phiiosophia umbratilis^ an intellectual theory for unoccupied men, 
feeble, inert, and dependent upon the supremacy of human power, 
but a true and proper sovereignty over the wills of men and of 
races, of individuals, and of empires ; a kingdom not of this world, 
but in it, and because not of it, therefore superior to it; able to 
move it, because not resting upon it; mighty to control it, because 
it is the kingdom of eternal justice, whose law in the end will 
infallibly prevail. In all the Christian world save only here, this 
Divine truth has been enfeebled or betrayed; that is, in all sep- 
arated countries the world is supreme. Jerusalem, Alexandria, 
Constantinople, St. Petersburg, Berlin, Canterbury, are witnesses 
of the judgment which falls on those who falter in their fidelity 
to the sovereignty of truth. In Catholic countries, where the 
national egotism is strong, the action of truth is weak because 
the sovereignty and independence of the Church are crossed and 
shackled. With you alone it is in the plenitude of its freedom. 
Rome is sovereign because it is independent; it is independent 
because it has no master upon earth. The Vicar of Jesus Christ 
is the source of its liberty and the guardian of its sovereignty. 
Call it temporal power if you will, the thing is the same, — the 
freedom, the independence, the sovereignty of the kingdom of 
God on earth, in all the world and over all mankind, resting 
upon its centre in the patrimony of the Church, within which 
the shadow of no other sovereignty can intrude without a viola- 
tion of the supernatural order of grace. Because it is the only 
spot of gfround on which the Vicar of Christ can set the sole of 
his foot in freedom, therefore they who would drive the Incar- 
nation off the face of the earth hover about it to wrest it from 
his hands. For this, then, you are witnesses and guardians. 
You are set in an age when the material civilization of the world 
has been piled up to a gigantic height, to testify that there is an 
order higher still; that as the soul is more than the body, and 



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HENRY EDWARD, CARDINAL MANNING jp^i 

eternity than time, so the moral order is above the material; 
that justice is above power; that justice may suffer long, but 
must reign at last; that power is not right; that no wrongs can 
be sanctified by success; nor can the immutable laws of right 
and wrong be confounded. You are the heirs of those who re- 
newed the face of the world and created the Christian civiliza- 
tion of Europe. You are the depositories of truth and principles 
which are indestructible in their vitality. Though buried like 
the ear of com in the Pyramids of Egypt, they strike root and 
spring into fruit when their hour is come. Truths and principles 
are divine; they govern the world; to suffer for them is the 
greatest glory of man. Non mors sed causa mortis facit mar^ 
tyrem. So long as Rome is grafted upon the Incarnation, it is 
the head of the world. If it were possible to cut it out from its 
Divine root, it would fall from its primacy among mankind. But 
this cannot be. He who chose it for his own has kept it to 
this hotrr. He who has kept it until now will keep it tmtil the 
end. Be worthy of your high destiny for his sake, who has 
called you to it; for our sakes, who look up to you as, under 
God, our light and our strength. 



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2942 




CHIEF-JUSTICE MANSFIELD 

(WILLIAM MURRAY, EARL OF MANSFIELD) 

(1 705-1 793) 

|he Earl of Mansfield was, perhaps, the ablest of those learned 
and earnest Conservatives whose determination to make no 
concession to what they regarded as anarchy and treason 
lost England its American colonies. His speeches in Parliament in 
this connection show his great intellect and force of character, but he 
is at his best in those short and dignified orations he was accustomed 
to make from the bench in such great cases as that of Wilkes and 
the Dean of St. Asaph. No one was more thoroughly aware of the 
lasting importance of the principle involved in these cases than he, 
and, without doubt, he felt that he was speaking to posterity more 
than to any one in his court-room when he defied intimidation and 
scorned popularity. Macaulay calls him the founder of ^the Modem 
School of Tories,* who concede that government must be de facto 
through parliaments or other representative popular assemblies. As a 
lawyer, he has scarcely been surpassed. It has been said of him that 
finding the common law, especially as it bears on business, in a 
chaotic state, he left a body of decisions so nearly adequate to its 
definition that they are almost equivalent to a code. He was bom at 
Scone, Scotland, March 2d, 1705, the eleventh child of Viscount Stor- 
mont, an impoverished Scottish nobleman, whose Jacobite politics 
are supposed to have greatly influenced the opinions of his son. 

Graduating at Oxford, and beginning the practice of law in Lon- 
don, William Murray married Lady Elizabeth Finch, daughter of the 
Earl of Winchelsea, in 1838. Four years later he was appointed 
Solicitor-General. His great abilities were appreciated by his party, 
and he was steadily promoted. He was made Attorney-General in 
1754, and Chief-Justice of the Court of King's Bench in 1756 — leav- 
ing the House of Commons to take the office against the wishes of 
his party leaders, who thought him too valuable there to be spared. 
In 1776 he was made Earl of Mansfield. Twelve years later he re- 
signed from the bench, and lived in retirement until his death, on 
March 20th, 1793. 



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THE NEW LA W COURTS, LONDON. 

After a Recent Photograph, 



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CHIEF-JUSTICE MANSFIELD 2943 



IN THE CASE OP JOHN WILKES 

(An Address Delivered to the Audience at the Trial of John Wilkes, on Two 
Informations for Libel, in the King's Bench and House of Lords; 4 George 
III., 10 George III., 1763-70) 



r 



T IS fit to take some notice of the various terrors hung out; 

the numerous crowds which have attended and now attend in 

and about the hall, out of all reach of hearing what passes 

in court; and the tumults which, in other places, have shamefully 

insulted all order and government. Audacious addresses in print 

dictate to us, from those they call the people, the judgment to 

j be given now, and afterwards upon the conviction. Reasons of 

I policy are urged, from danger to the kingdom, by commotions 

I and general confusion. 

t Give me leave to take the opportunity of this great and re- 

! spectable audience, to let the whole world know all such attempts 

' are vain. Unless we have been able to find an error which will 

bear us out, to reverse the outlawry, it must be affirmed. The 
Constitution does not allow reasons of State to influence our judg- 
ments. God forbid it should! We must not regard political con- 
sequences, how formidable soever they might be; if rebellion were 
the certain consequence, we are bound to say, fiat justitia^ mat 
ccelum. The Constitution trusts the king with reasons of State 
and policy; he may stop prosecutions; he may pardon offenses; 
it is his to judge whether the law or the criminal should yield. 
We have no election. None of us encouraged or approved the 
commission of either of the crimes of which the defendant is 
convicted; none of us had any hand in his being prosecuted. As 
to myself, I took no part (in another place) in the addresses for 
that prosecution. We did not advise or assist the defendant to 
fly from justice; it was his own act and he must take the conse- 
quences. None of us have been consulted, or had anything to 
do with the present prosecution. It is not in our power to stop 
it; it was not in our power to bring it on. We cannot pardon. 
We are to say what we take the law to be; if we do not speak 
our real opinion, we prevaricate with God and owi own con- 
sciences. 

I pass over many anonymous letters I have received. Those 
in print are public; some of them have been brought judicially 
before the court. Whoever the writers are, they take the wrong 



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2944 CHIEF-JUSTICE MANSFIELD 

way. I will do my duty unawed. What am I to fear? That 
mendax infamia from the press, which daily coins false facts and 
false motives? The lies of calumny carry no terror to me. I 
trust that my temper of mind and the color and conduct of my 
life have given me a suit of armor against these arrows. If, dur- 
ing this king's reign, I have ever supported his government and 
assisted his measures, I have done it without any other reward 
than the consciousness of doing what I thought right. If I have 
ever opposed I have done it upon the points themselves, without 
mixing in party or faction, and without any collateral views. I 
honor the king and respect the people, but many things acquired 
by the favor of either are, in my account, objects not worth am- 
bition. I wish popularity, but it is that popularity which follows, 
not that which is run after. It is that popularity which, sooner 
or later, never fails to do justice to the pursuit of noble ends by 
noble means. I will not do that which my conscience tells me is 
wrong, upon this occasion, to gain the huzzas of thousands, or the 
daily praise of all the papers which coitie from the press; I will 
not avoid doing what I think is right, though it should draw on 
me the whole artillery of libels, all that falsehood and malice can 
invent, or the credulity of a deluded populace can swallow. I 
can say, with a great magistrate, upon an occasion and under cir- 
cumstances not unlike. Ego hoc animo semper fui^ ut invidiam 
virtute partam^ gloriam^ haud infamiam^ putarem. 

The threats go further than abuse; personal violence is de- 
nounced. I do not believe it; it is not the genius of the worst 
men of this country, in the worst of times. But I have set my 
mind at rest. The last end that can happen to any man never 
comes too soon, if he fall in support of the law and liberty of 
his country (for liberty is synonymous to law and government). 
Such a shock, too, might be productive of public good; it might 
awake the better part of the kingdom out of that lethargy which 
seems to have benumbed them, and bring the mad part back 
to their senses as men intoxicated are sometimes stunned into 
sobriety. 

Once for all, let it be understood that no endeavors of this 
kind will influence any man who at present sits here. If they 
had any effect, it would be contrary to their intent; leaning 
against their impression might give a bias the other way. But I 
hope, and I know, that I have fortitude enough to resist even 
that weakness. No libels, no threats, nothing that has happened, 



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CHIEF-JUSTICE MANSFIELD 2945 

nothing that can happen, wiU weigh a feather against allowing 
the defendant, upon this and every other question, not only the 
whole advantage he is entitled to from substantial law and jus- 
tice, but every benefit from the most critical nicety of form, 
which any other defendant could claim under the like objection. 
The only efiEect I feel is an anxiety to be able to explain the 
grounds upon which we proceed so as to satisfy all mankind, 
*that a flaw of form given way to in this case could not have 
been got over in any other.* 



IN THE CASE OF THfe DEAN OF ST. ASAPH 

(From the Proceedings on an Indictment in the Case of the King on the 
Prosecution of William Jones, against the Rev. William Davies Shipley, 
Dean of St Asaph, for a Seditious Libel, at the Great Session Held at 
Wrexham for the County of Denbigh, on Monday, September ist, 1783) 

WHEN I was attorney-general I prosecuted some libels; one 
I remember from the condition and circumstances of the 
defendant; he wa^ found guilty. He was a common 
councilman of the city of London; and I remember another cir- 
cumstance: it was the first conviction in the city of LfOndon that 
had been for twenty-seven years. It was the case of the King 
and Nutt, and there he was convicted under the very same direc- 
tion, before Lord Chief -Justice Ryder. 

In the year 1756 I came into the office I now hold. Upon 
the first prosecution for a libel which stood in my paper, I think 
(but I am not sure), but I think it was the case of the King and 
Shebbeare; I made up my mind as to the direction I ought to 
give. I have imiformly given the same in all, almost in the 
same form of words. No counsel ever complained of it to the 
court. Upon every defendant being brought up for judgment, I 
have always stated the direction I gave, and the court has always 
assented to it The defense of a lawful excuse never existed in 
any case before me, therefore I have told the jury if they were 
satisfied with the evidence of the publication, and that the mean- 
ings of the innuendos were as stated, they ought to find the de- 
fendant guilty, — that the question of law was upon record for the 
judgment of the court. This direction being as of course, and no 
question ever raised concerning it in court (though I have had 
the misfortune to try many libels, in very warm times, against 
vni — 185 



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2946 CHIEF-JUSTICE MANSFIELD 

defendants most obstinately and factiously defended), yet the di- 
rection being as of course, and no objection made it, it passed as 
of course and there are no notes of what passed. In one case 
of the King and Woodfall, on account of a very different kind of 
question (but upon account of another kind of question), there 
happens to be a report, and there the direction I have stated is 
adopted by the whole court as right, and the doctrine of Mr. 
Justice BuUer is laid down in express terms. Such a judicial 
practice in the precise point from the revolution, as I think, 
down to the present day, is not to be shaken by arguments of 
general theory or popular declamation. Every species of crimi- 
nal prosecution has something peculiar in the mode of procedure; 
therefore, general propositions, applied to all, tend only to com- 
plicate and embarrass the question. No deduction or conclusion 
can be drawn from what a jury may do from the form of pro- 
cedure to what they ought to do upon the fundamental princi- 
ples of the constitution and the reason of the thing, if they will 
act with integrity and good conscience. 

The fundamental definition of trial by jury depends upon a 
universal maxim that is without an exception. Though a defini- 
tion or maxim in law, without an exception, it is said, is hardly 
to be found, yet this I take to be a maxim without an exception : 
Ad queestionem juris nan respondent juratores; ad qucestianem 
facti non respondent judices. 

Where a question can be severed by the form of pleading, the 
distinction is preserved upon the face of the record, and the jury 
cannot encroach upon the jurisdiction of the court; where, by the 
form of pleading, the two questions are blended together, and 
cannot be separated upon the face of the record, the distinction 
is preserved by the honesty of the jury. The Constitution trusts 
that, under the direction of a judge, they will not usurp a juris- 
diction which is not in their province. They do not know, and 
they are not presumed to know, the law; they are not sworn to 
decide the law; they are not required to decide the law. If it 
appear upon the record, they are to leave it there, or they may 
find the facts subject to the opinion of the court upon the law. 
But further, upon the reason of the thing, and the eternal prin- 
ciples of justice, the jury ought not to assume the jurisdiction of 
the law. As I said before, they do not know and are not pre- 
sumed to know anything of the matter; they do not understand 
the language in which it is conceived, or the meaning of the 



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CHIEF-JUSTICE MANSFIELD 2947 

terms. They have no rule to go by but their aflfections and 
wishes. It is said, if a man give a right sentence upon hearing 
one side only, he is a wicked judge, because he is right by chance 
only and has neglected taking the proper method to be informed; 
so the jury who usurp the judicature of law, though they happen 
to be right, are themselves wrong, because they are right by 
chance only and have not taken the constitutional way of decid- 
ing the question. It is the duty of the judge, in all cases of 
general justice, to tell the jury how to do right, though they 
have it in their power to do wrong, which is a matter entirely 
between God and their own consciences. 

To be free is to live under a government by law. The lib- 
erty of the press consists in printing without any previous license, 
subject to the consequences of law. The licentiousness of the 
press is Pandora's Box, the source of every evil. Miserable is 
the condition of individuals, dangerous is the condition of the 
State, if there is no certain law, or, which is the same thing, no 
certain administration of law to protect individuals, or to guard 
the State. 

Jealousy of leaving the law to the court, as in other cases, so 
in the case of libels, is now, in the present state of things, puerile 
rant and declamation. The judges are totally independent of the 
ministers that may happen to be, and of the King himself. Their 
temptation is rather to the popularity of the day. But I agree 
with the observation cited by Mr. Cowper from Mr. J. Foster, 
*that a popular judge is an odious and a pernicious character.^ 



A REPLY TO THE EARL OF CHATHAM 

(Prom the Speech against Parliamentary Exemption from Arrest for Debt, 
Delivered in the House of Lords, May 9th, 1770) 

IT HAS been imputed to be by the noble Earl on my left [the 
Earl of Chatham] that I, too, am running the race of popu- 
larity. If the noble Earl means by popularity, that applause 
bestowed by after ages on good and virtuous actions, I have 
long been struggling in that race: to what purpose, all-trying 
Time can alone determine. But if he means that mushroom 
popularity, which is raised without merit, and lost without a 
crime, he is much mistaken in his opinion. I defy the noble 



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ap^g CHIEF-JUSTICE MANSFIELD 

Earl to point out a single action of my life in which the popu- 
larity of the times ever had the smallest influence on my deter- 
mination. I thank God I have a more permanent and steady 
rule for my conduct — the dictates of* my own breast. Those 
who have foregone that pleasing advice, and given up their 
minds to the slavery of every popular impulse, I sincerely pity: 
I pity them still more, if vanity leads them to mistake the shouts 
of a mob for the trumpet of fame. Experience might inform 
them that many who have been saluted with the huzzas of a 
crowd one day have received its execrations the next; and 
many, who by the popularity of their own times have been 
held up as spotless patriots, have, nevertheless, appeared on the 
historian's page, when truth has triumphed over delusion, as the 
assassins of liberty. Why, then, the noble Earl can think I am 
ambitious of present popularity, that echo of folly and shadow of 
renown, I am at a loss to determine. 

Besides, I do not know that the bill now before your lord- 
ships will be popular; it depends much upon the caprice of the 
day. It may not be popular to compel people to pay their debts; 
and, in that case, the present must be a very unpopular bilL It 
may not be popular, either, to take away any of the privileges 
of Parliament; for I very well remember, and many of your 
lordships may remember, that not long ago the popular cry was 
for the extension of privilege; and so far did they carry it at 
that time, that it was said the privilege protected members even 
in criminal actions; nay, such was the power of popular preju- 
dices over weak minds, that the very decisions of some of the 
courts were tinctured with that doctrine. It was, undoubtedly, 
an abominable doctrine; I thought so then, and I think so still; 
but, nevertheless, it was a popular doctrine and came immedi- 
ately from those who are called the friends of liberty, — how de- 
servedly, time will show. True liberty, in my opinion, can only 
exist when justice is equally administered to all, — to the king 
and to the beggar. Where is the justice, then, or where is the 
law, that protects a Member of Parliament, more than any other 
man, from the punishment due to his crimes? The laws of this 
country allow of no place, nor any employment, to be a sanctu- 
ary for crimes; and, where I have the honor to sit as judge, 
neither royal favor nor popular applause shall ever protect the 
guilty. 



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2949 




CHIEF-JUSTICE MARSHALL 

(JOHN MARSHALL, CHIEF-JUSTICE OF SUPREME COURT 
OF THE UNITED STATES) 

(1755-1835) 

3HN Marshall, whom Americans without vainglory may boast 
of as the greatest lawyer of modem times, immortalized 
himself and conferred an incalculable benefit on hnmanity 
by making it clear for the first time that the law is higher than the 
government, and that any mere enactment of government repugnant 
to the fundamental law is ab initio void. The principle is not new, 
for without its operation all power is arbitrary; but in England the 
struggle had been so long between the arbitrary power of the King 
on the one hand and of the Parliament on the other, that the su- 
premacy of fundamental law was generally lost sight of except by a 
few great men, — the Chathams and Burkes, who reverenced law, not 
merely as the sovereign will of all the people, but as the moral pur- 
pose through which the world was created and the omnipotent method 
by which all good purposes are to be achieved. Planting himself on 
the written constitution. Chief- Justice Marshall defined the fundamental 
principle of liberty in declaring void all arbitrary acts of the enact- 
ing power. His doctrine of fundamental law, expressing the will of 
the entire people, made the Constitution effective as it could never 
have been otherwise, and asserted for the Supreme Court, sitting to 
declare the supreme law, the final power of arbitrament in all Fed- 
eral questions. The principle of the supremacy of fundamental law 
thus declared, and the method of making it effective, are to the in- 
visible civilization of the morals and the intellect what the discovery 
of America has been to the visible improvement of the physical 
world. 

John Marshall was bom in Fauquier County, Virginia, September 
24th, 1755. At the age of twenty, he enlisted in the Continental 
Army, and rose to the rank of Captain. Beginning the practice of law 
after leaving the army, and pursuing it with great success, he served 
as a Member of the Virginia Legislature, Member of Congress, Envoy 
to France, Secretary of State (1800), and from 1801 to his death, July 
6th, 1835, as Chief-Justice of the United States Supreme Court. As 
a member of the Virginia Constitutional Convention of 1788, he 



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29SO CHIEF-JUSTICE MARSHALL 

gave most effective assistance to Madison in holding the convention 
against Patrick Henry's eloqnent prophecies of disaster, involved, as it 
seemed to him, in the adoption of the Federal Constitution. On the 
bench as in his speeches in the Virginia Convention, Chief-Jnstice 
Marshall was supposed to favor the Federal Grovemment at the ex- 
pense of ^ State rights,^ but far above all such controversy, his fame 
as the great champion of law against arbitrary power endures and 
will endure as long as men love liberty and order well enough to be 
grateful for what has been done to make them possible. 

W. V. B. 



OPPOSING PATRICK HENRY 

(Delivered in the Virginia Convention, Debating the Federal Constitution, 

June loth, 1788) 

Mr, Chairman: — 

I CONCEIVE that the object of the discussion now before us is 
whether democracy or despotism be most eligible. I am sure 

that those who framed the system submitted to our investi- 
gation, and those who now support it intend the establishment 
and security of the former. The supporters of the Constitution 
claim the title of being firm friends of the liberty and the rights 
of mankind. They say that they consider it as the best means 
of protecting liberty. We, sir, idolize democracy. Those who 
oppose it have bestowed eulogiums on monarchy. We prefer 
this system to any monarchy, because we are convinced that it 
has a greater tendency to secure our liberty and promote our 
happiness. We admire it, because we think it a well-regulated 
democracy. It is recommended to the good people of this coun- 
try; they are, through us, to declare whether it be such a plan of 
government as will establish and secure their freedom. 

Permit me to attend to what the honorable gentleman [Mr. 
Henry] has said. He has expatiated on the necessity of a due 
attention to certain maxims — to certain fundamental principles, 
from which a free people ought never to depart. I concur with 
him in the propriety of the observance of such maxims. They 
are necessary in any government, but more essential to a democ- 
racy than to any other. What are the favorite maxims of de- 
mocracy? A strict observance of justice and public faith, and a 
steady adherence to virtue. These, sir, are the principles of a 
good government. No mischief, no misfortune, ought to deter us 



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CHIEF-JUSTICE MARSHALL 3q^I 

from a strict observance of justice and public faith. Would to 
heaven that these principles had been observed under the present 
government! Had this been the case» the friends of liberty 
would not be so willing now to part with it. Can we boast that 
our government is founded on these maxims? Can we pretend 
to the enjoyment of political freedom or security, when we are 
told that a man has been, by an act of assembly, struck out of 
existence without a trial by jury, without examination, without 
being confronted with his accusers and witnesses, without the 
benefits of the law of the land ? Where is our safety, when we 
are told that this act was justifiable because the person was not 
a Socrates? What has become of the worthy Member's maxims? 
Is this one of them ? Shall it be a maxim that a man shall be 
deprived of his life without the benefit of the law? Shall a 
deprivation of life be justified by answering that the man's life 
was not taken secundum artem because he was a bad man? 
Shall it be a maxim that government ought not to be empow- 
ered to protect virtue? 

The honorable Member^ after attempting to vindicate that 
tyrannical legislative act to which I have been alluding, pro- 
ceeded to take a view of the dangers to which this country is 
exposed. He told us that the principal danger arose from a 
government which, if adopted, would give away the Mississippi 
I intended to proceed regularly, by attending to the clause under 
debate; but! must reply to some observations which were dwelt 
upon to make impressions on our minds favorable to the plan 
upon the table. Have we no navigation in, or do we derive no 
benefit from the Mississippi? How shall we retain it? By re- 
taining that weak government which has hitherto kept it from 
us? Is it thus that we shall secure that navigation? Give the 
government the power of retaining it, and then we may hope to 
derive actual advantages from it. Till we do this we cannot ex- 
pect that a government which hitherto has not been able to pro- 
tect it will have the power to do it hereafter. Have we attended 
too long to consider whether this government would be able to 
protect us? Shall we wait for further proofs of its inefficacy? 
If, on mature consideration, the Constitution will be found to be 
perfectly right on the subject of treaties, and containing no dan- 
ger of losing that navigation, will he still object ? Will he object 
because eight States are unwilling to part with it? This is no 
good ground of objection. 



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2952 CHIEF'JUSTICB MARSHALL 

He then stated the necessity and probability of obtaining 
amendments. This we ought to postpone until we come to that 
clause, and make up our minds whether there be anything un- 
safe in this system. He conceived it impossible to obtain amend- 
ments after adopting it. If he was right, does not his own 
argument prove that, in his own conception, previous amend- 
ments cannot be had? for, sir, if subsequent amendments cannot 
be obtained, shall we get amendments before we ratify? The 
reasons against the latter do not apply against the former. 
There are in this State, and in every State in the Union, many 
who are decided enemies of the Union. Reflect on the probable 
conduct of such men. What will they do? They will bring 
amendments which are local in their nature, and which they 
know will not be accepted. What security have we that other 
States will not do the same ? We are told that many in the 
States were violently opposed to it. They are more mindful of 
local interests. They will never propose such amendments as 
they think would be obtained. Disunion will be their object. 
This will be attained by the proposal of unreasonable amend- 
ments. This, sir, though a strong cause, is not the only one 
that will militate against previous amendments. Look at the 
comparative temper of this country now, and when the late Fed- 
eral Convention met. We had no idea then of any particular 
S3rstem. The formation of the most perfect plan was our object 
and wish. It was imagined that the States would accede to, and 
be pleased with, the proposition that would be made them. Con- 
sider the violence of opinions, the prejudices and animosities 
which have been since imbibed. Will not these operate greatly 
against mutual concessions, or a friendly concurrence ? This will, 
however, be taken up more properly at another time. He says 
we wish to have a strong, energetic, powerful government. We 
contend for a well-regulated democracy. He insinuates that the 
power of the government has been enlarged by the convention, 
and that we may apprehend it will be enlarged by others. The 
convention did not, in fact, assume any power. 

They have proposed to our consideration a scheme of govern- 
ment which they thought advisable. We are not bound to adopt 
it, if we disapprove of it. Had not every individual in this com- 
munity a right to tender that scheme which he thought most 
conducive to the welfare of his country? Have not several gen- 
tlemen already demonstrated that the convention did not exceed 



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CHIBF-JUSTICB MARSHALL 2953 

their powers? But the Congress have the power of making bad 
laws, it seems. The Senate, with the President, he informs us, 
may make a treaty which shall be disadvantageous to us; and 
that, if they be not good men, it will not be a good Constitution. 
I shall ask the worthy Member only, if the people at large, and 
they alone, ought to make laws and treaties. Has any man this 
in contemplation? You cannot exercise the powers of govern- 
ment personally yourselves. You must trust to agents. If so, 
will you dispute giving them the power of acting for you, from 
an existing possibility that they may abuse it? As long as it 
is impossible for you to transact your business in person, if you 
repose no confidence in delegates, because there is a possibility of 
their abusing it, you can have no government; for the power 
of doing good is inseparable from that of doing some evil. 

We may derive from Holland lessons very beneficial to our- 
selves. Happy that country which can avail itself of the mis- 
fortunes of others — which can gain knowledge from that source 
without fatal experience! What has produced the late disturb- 
ances in that country ? The want of such a government as is on 
your table, and having, in some measure, such a octe as you are 
about to part with. The want of proper powers in the govern- 
ment, the consequent deranged and relaxed administration, the 
violence of contending parties, and inviting foreign powers to in- 
terpose in their disputes, have subjected them to all the mischiefs 
which have interrupted their harmony. I cannot express my 
astonishment at his high-colored eulogium on such a government. 
Can anything be more dissimilar than the relation between the 
British government and the colonies, and the relation between 
Congpress and the States? We were not represented in Parliament. 
Here we are represented. Arguments which prove the impropri- 
ety of being taxed by Britain do not hold against the exercise 
of taxation by Congress. 

Let me pay attention to the observation of the gentleman who 
was last up, that the power of taxation ought not to be given to 
Congress. This subject requires the undivided attention of this 
House. This power I think essentially necessary, for without it 
there will be no eflficiency in the government. We have had a 
sufficient demonstration of the vanity of depending on requisi- 
tions. How, then, can the general government exist without 
this power? The possibility of its being abused is urged as 
an argument against its expediency. To very little purpose did 



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CHIEF-JUSTICE MARSHALL 



Virginia discover the defects in the old system; to little purpose, 
indeed, did she propose improvements, and to no purpose is this 
plan constructed for the promotion of our happiness, if we refuse 
it now, because it is possible that it may be abused. The Con- 
federation has nominal powers, but no means to carry them into 
effect. If a system of government were devised by more than 
human intelligence, it would not be effectual if the means were 
not adequate to the power. All delegated powers are liable to be 
abused. Arguments drawn from this source go in direct opposi- 
tion to government, and in recommendation of anarchy. The 
friends of the Constitution are as tenacious of liberty as its ene- 
mies. They wish to give no power that will endanger it. They 
wish to give the government powers to secure and protect it. 
Our inquiry here must be whether the power of taxation be nec- 
essary to perform the objects of the Constitution, and whether it 
be safe and as well guarded as human wisdom can do it. What 
are the objects of the National Government? To protect the 
United States and to promote the general welfare. Protection 
in time of war is one of the principal objects. Until mankind 
shall cease to have ambition and avarice, wars will arise. 

The prosperity and happiness of the people depend on the 
performance of these great and important duties of the general 
government. Can these duties be performed by one State ? Can 
one State protect us, and promote our happiness? The honor- 
able gentleman who has gone before me [Governor Randolph] 
has shown that Virginia cannot do these things. How, then, can 
they be done? By the national government only. Shall we re- 
fuse to give it power to do them? We are answered, that the 
powers may be abused; that, though the Congress may promote 
our happiness, yet they may prostitute their powers to destroy 
our liberties. This goes to the destruction of all confidence in 
agents. Would you believe that men who had merited your 
highest confidence would deceive you ? Would you trust them 
again after one deception ? Why, then, hesitate to trust the gen- 
eral government? The object of our inquiry is, Is the power 
necessary and is it guarded? There must be men and money to 
protect us. How are armies to be raised? Must we not have 
money for that purpose ? But the honorable gentleman says that 
we need not be afraid of war. Look at history, which has been 
so often quoted. Look at the great volume of human nature. 
They will foretell you that a defenseless country cannot be 



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CHIEF-JUSTICE MARSHALL 3pgj 

secure. The nature of man forbids us to conclude that we are 
in no danger from war. The passions of men stimulate them to 
avail themselves of the weakness of others. The powers of Eu- 
rope are jealous of us. It is our interest to watch their conduct, 
and guard agamst them. They must be pleased with our dis- 
tmion. If we invite them by our weakness to attack us, will 
they not do it? If we add debility to our present situation, a 
partition of America may take place. 

It is, then, necessary to give the government that power in 
time of peace which the necessity of war will render indispensa- 
ble, or else we shall be attacked unprepared. The experience of 
the world, a knowledge of hiunan nature, and our own particular 
experience, will confirm this truth. When danger shall come 
upon us, may we not do what we were on the point of doing 
once already — that is, appoint a dictator? Were those who are 
now friends to this Constitution less active in the defense of lib- 
erty on that trying occasion than those who oppose it? When 
foreign dangers come, may not the fear of immediate destruction 
by foreign enemies impel us to take a most dangerous step? 
Where, then, will be our safety? We may now regulate and 
frame a plan that will enable us to repel attacks and render a 
recurrence to dangerous expedients unnecessary. If we be pre- 
pared to defend ourselves, there will be little inducement to at- 
tack us. But if we defer giving the necessary power to the 
general government till the moment of danger arrives, we shall 
give it then, and with an unsparing hand. America, like other 
nations, may be exposed to war. The propriety of giving this 
power will be proved by the history of the world, and particu- 
larly of modem republics. I defy you to produce a single in^ 
stance where requisitions of several individual States, composing 
a confederacy, have been honestly complied with. Did gentlemen 
exx)ect to see such punctuality in America? If they did, our 
own experience shows the contrary. 

We are told that the Confederation carried us through the 
war. Had not the enthusiasm of liberty inspired us with unanim- 
ity, that system would never have carried us through it. It would 
have been much sooner terminated had that government been 
possessed of due energy. The inability of Congress and the fail- 
ure of States to comply with the constitutional requisitions ren- 
dered our resistance less efficient than it might have been. The 
weakness of that government caused troops to be against us 



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2956 CHIEF-JUSTICE MARSHALL 

which ought to have been on onr side, and prevented all re- 
sources of the community from being called at once into action. 
The extreme readiness of the people to make their utmost exer- 
tions to ward ofE solely the pressing danger supplied the place 
of requisitions. When they came solely to be depended on, their 
inutility was fully discovered. A bare sense of duty, or a regard 
to propriety, is too feeble to induce men to comply with obliga- 
tions. We deceive ourselves if we expect any eflScacy from these. 
If requisitions will not avail, the government must have the sinews 
of war some other way. Requisitions cannot be effectual. They 
will be productive of delay, and will ultimately be ineflScient. By 
direct taxation the necessities of the government will be supplied 
in a peaceable manner without irritating the minds of the peo- 
ple. But requisitions cannot be rendered eflScient without a civil 
war — without gfreat expense of money and the blood of our citi- 
zens. Are there any other means? Yes, that Congress shall 
apportion the respective quotas previously, and if not complied 
with by the States, that then this dreaded power shall be exer- 
cised. The operation of this has been decided by the gentleman 
who opened the debate. He cannot be answered. This great ob- 
jection to that system remains unanswered. Is there no other 
argument which ought to have weight with us on this subject? 
Delay is a strong and pointed objection to it. 

We are told by the gentleman who spoke last, that direct tax- 
ation is unnecessary, because we are not involved in war. This 
admits the propriety of recurring to direct taxation if we were 
engaged in war. It has not been proved that we have no dan- 
gers to apprehend on this point. What will be the consequence 
of the system proposed by the worthy gentleman? Suppose the 
States should refuse ? 

The worthy gentleman who is so pointedly opposed to the 
Constitution proposed remonstrances. Is it a time for Congress 
to remonstrate, or compel a compliance with requisitions, when 
the whole wisdom of the Union and the power of Congress are 
opposed to a foreign enemy ? Another alternative is that, if the 
States shall appropriate certain funds for the use of Congress, 
Congress shall not lay direct taxes. Suppose the funds appropri- 
ated by the States for the use of Congfress should be inadequate, 
it will not be determined whether they be insufficient till after 
the time at which the quota ought to have been paid; and then, 
after so long a delay, the means of procuring money, which 



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CHIEF-JUSTICE MARSHALL 2gS1 

ought to have been employed in the first instance, must be re- 
curred to. May they not be amused by such ineffectual and 
temporizing alternatives from year to year, until America shall 
be enslaved ? The failure in one State wiU authorize a failure in 
another. The calculation in some States that others will fail, will 
produce general failures. This will also be attended with all the 
expenses which we are anxious to avoid. What are the advan- 
tages to induce us to embrace this system ? If they mean that 
requisitions should be complied with, it will be the same as if 
Congress had the power of direct taxation. The same amount 
will be paid by the people. 

It is objected that Congress will not know how to lay taxes 
so as to be easy and convenient for the pfeople at large. Let us 
pay strict attention to this objection. If it appear to be totally 
without foundation, the necessity of levying direct taxes will ob- 
viate what the gentleman says; nor will there be any color for 
refusing to grant the power. 

The objects of direct taxes are well understood; they are but 
few. What are they ? Lands, slaves, stock of all kinds, and a few 
other articles of domestic property. Can you believe that ten 
men selected from all. parts of the State, chosen because they 
know the situation of the people, will be unable to determine so 
as to make the tax equal on, and convenient for, the people at 
large? Does any man believe that they would lay the tax with- 
out the aid of other information besides their own knowledge, 
when they know that the very object for which they are elected 
is to lay the taxes in a judicious and convenient manner? If 
they wish to retain the affections of the people at large, will 
they not inform themselves of every circumstance that can throw 
light on the subject ? Have they but one source of information ? 
Besides their own experience — their knowledge of what will suit 
their constituents — they will have the benefit of the knowledge 
and experience of the State legislature. They will see in what 
manner the legislature of Virgfinia collects its taxes. Will they 
be unable to follow their example ? The gentlemen who shall be 
delegated to Congress will have every source of information that 
the legislatures of the States can have, and can lay the taxes as 
equally on the people, and with as little oppression, as they can. 
If, then, it be admitted that they can understand how to lay them 
equally and conveniently, are we to admit that they will not do 
it, but that, in violation of every principle that ought to govern 



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3958 CHIEP-JUSTICE MARSHALL 

men, they will lay them so as to oppress us? What benefit will 
they have by it ? Will it be promotive of their re-election ? Will 
it be by wantonly imposing hardships and difficulties on the peo- 
ple at large, that they will promote their own interest, and se- 
cure their re-election ? To me it appears incontrovertible that 
they will settle them in such a manner as to be easy for the 
people. Is the system so organized as to make taxation danger- 
ous? I shall not go to the various checks of the government, 
but examine whether the immediate representation of the people 
be well constructed. I conceive its organization to be sufficiently 
satisfactory to the warmest friend of freedom. No tax can be 
laid without the consent of the House of Representatives. If 
there be no impropriety in the mode of electing the representa- 
tives, can any danger be apprehended? They are elected by 
those who can elect representatives in the State legislature. How 
can the votes of the electors be influenced ? By nothing but the 
character and conduct of the man they vote for. What object 
can influence them when about choosing him ? They have noth- 
ing to direct them in the choice, but their own good. Have you 
not as pointed and strong a security as you can possibly have ? 
It is a mode that secures an impossibility of being corrupted. 
If they are to be chosen for their wisdom, virtue, and integrity, 
what inducement have they to infringe on our freedom ? We 
are told that they may abuse their power. Are there strong 
motives to prompt them to abuse it ? Will not such abuse mili- 
tate against their own interest? Will not they and their friends 
feel the effects of iniquitous measures? Does the representative 
remain in office for life? Does he transmit his title of repre- 
sentative to his son? Is he secured from the burden imposed 
on the community? To procure their re-election, it will be nec- 
essary for them to confer with the people at large, and convince 
them that the taxes laid are for their good. If I am able to 
judge on the subject, the power of taxation now before us is 
wisely conceded and the representatives are wisely elected. 

The honorable gentleman said that a government should ever 
depend on the affections of the people. It must be so. It is 
the best support it can have. This government merits the con- 
fidence of the people, and, I make no doubt, will have it. Then 
he informed us again of the disposition of Spain with respect to 
the Mississippi, and the conduct of the government with regard 
to it. To the debility of the Confederation alone may justly be 



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CHIEF-JUSTICE MARSHALL 2959 

imputed every cause of complaint on this subject. Whenever 
gentlemen will bring forward their objections, I trust we can 
prove that no danger to the navigation of that river can arise 
from the adoption of this Constitution. I beg those gentlemen 
who may be affected by it to suspend their judgment till they 
hear it discussed. Will, says he, the adoption of this Constitution 
pay our debts? It will compel the States to pay their quotas. 
Without this, Virginia will be unable to pay. Unless all the 
States pay, she cannot. Though the States will not coin money 
(as we are told), yet this government will bring forth and pro- 
portion all the strength of the Union. That economy and indus- 
try are essential to our happiness, will be denied by no man. 
But the present government will not add to our industry. It 
takes away the incitements to industry, by rendering property 
insecure and unprotected. It is the paper on your table that 
will promote and encourage industry. New Hampshire and 
Rhode Island have rejected it, he tells us. New Hampshire, if 
my information be right, will certainly adopt it The report 
spread in this country, of which I have heard, is, that the rep- 
resentatives of that State having, on meeting, found they were 
instructed to vote against it, returned to their constituents with- 
out determining the question, to convince them of their being 
mistaken, and of the propriety of adopting it. 

The extent of the country is urged as another objection, as 
being too great for a republican government. This objection 
has been handed from author to author, and has been certainly 
misunderstood and misapplied. To what does it owe its source ? 
To observations and criticisms on governments, where represen- 
tation did not exist. As to the legislative power, was it ever 
supposed inadequate to any extent ? Extent of country may ren- 
der it difficult to execute the laws, but not to legislate. Extent 
of country does not extend the power. What will be sufficiently 
energetic and operative in a small territory will be feeble when 
extended over a wide-extended country. The gentleman tells us 
there are no checks in this plan. What has become of his en- 
thusiastic eulogium on the American spirit? We should find a 
check and control, when oppressed, from that source. In this 
country there is no executive personal stock of interest, The 
interest of the community is blended and inseparably connected 
with that of the individual. When he promotes his own, he pro- 
motes that of the community. When we consult the common 



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2960 CHIEF-JUSTICE MARSHALL 

good, we consult our own. When he desires such checks as 
these, he will find them abundantly here. They are the best 
checks. What has become of his eulogium on the Virginia con- 
stitution ? Do the checks in this plan appear less excellent than 
those of the constitution of Virginia ? If the checks in the Con- 
stitution be compared to the checks in the Virginia constitution, 
he will find the best security in the former. 

The temple of liberty was complete, said he, when the people 
of England said to their king that he was their servant. What 
are we to learn from this? Shall we embrace such a system as 
that? Is not liberty secure with us, where the people hold all 
powers in their own hands, and delegate them cautiously, for 
short periods, to their servants, who are accountable for the 
smallest maladministration ? Where is the nation that can boast 
greater security than we do? We want only a system like the 
paper before you to strengthen and perpetuate this security. 

The honorable gentleman has asked if there be any safety or 
freedom when we give away the sword and the purse. Shall the 
people at large hold the sword and the purse without the inter- 
position of their representatives? Can the whole aggregate com- 
munity act personally? I apprehend that every gentleman will 
see the impossibility of this. Must they, then, not trust them to 
others ? To whom are they to trust them but to their represent- 
atives, who are accountable for their conduct? He represents 
secrecy as unnecessary, and produces the British government as 
a proof of its inutility. Is there no secret there ? When deliber- 
ating on the propriety of declaring war, or on military arrange- 
ments, do they deliberate in the open fields? No, sir. The 
British government aflEords secrecy when necessary, and so ought 
every government. In this plan secrecy is only used when it 
would be fatal and pernicious to publish the schemes of govern- 
ment. We are threatened with the loss of our liberties by the 
possible abuse of power, notwithstanding the maxim that those 
who give may take away. It is the people that g^ve power and 
can take it back. What shall restrain them? They are the mas- 
ters who give it, and of whom their servants hold it. 

He then argues against the system because it does not resem- 
ble the British government in this — that the same power that 
declares war has not the means of carrying it on. Are the peo- 
ple of England more secure if the Commons have no voice in 
declaring war? Or are we less secure by having the Senate 



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CHIEF-JUSTICE MARSHALL 396 1 

joined with the President ? It is an absurdity, says the worthy 
Member, that the same man should obey two masters — that the 
same collector should gather taxes for the general government 
and the State legislature. Are they not both the servants of the 
people? Are not Congress and the State legislatures the agents 
of the people, and are they not to consult the good of the peo- 
ple? May not this be effected by giving the same officer the 
collection of both taxes ? He tells you that it is an absurdity to 
adopt before you amend. Is the object of your adoption to amend 
slowly? The objects of your adoption are union, safety against 
foreign enemies, and protection against faction — against what has 
been the destruction of all republics. These impel you to its 
adoption. If you adopt it what shall restrain you from amending 
it, if, in trying it, amendments shall be found necessary? The 
government is not supported by force, but depending on our free 
will. When experience shall show us any inconveniences, we can 
then correct it. But until we have experience on the subject, amend- 
ments, as well as the Constitution itself, are to try. Let us try 
it, and keep our hands free to change it when necessary. If it 
be necessary to change government, let us change that govern- 
ment which has been found to be defective. The difficulty we 
find in amending the Confederation will not be found in amend- 
ing this Constitution. Any amendments in the system before you 
will not go to a radical change; a plain way is pointed out for 
the purpose. All will be interested to change it, and therefore 
all exert themselves in getting the change. There is such a 
diversity of sentiment in human minds that it is impossible we 
shall ever concur in one system till we try it. The power given 
to the general government over the time, place, and manner of 
election, is also strongly objected to. When we come to that 
clause, we can prove it is highly necessary and not dangerous. 

The worthy Member has concluded his observations by many 
eulogiums on the British Constitution. It matters not to us 
whether it be a wise one or not. I think that, for America at 
least, the government on your table is very much superior to it 
I ask you if your House of Representatives would be better than 
it is, if a hundredth part of the people were to elect a majority 
of them. If your Senators were for life,, would they be more 
agreeable to you? If your President were not accountable to 
you for his conduct, — if it were a constitutional maxim that he 
could do no wrong, — would you be safer than you are now? If 
VIII — 186 



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2^62 CHIEF-JUSTICE MARSHALL 

you can answer, Yes, to these questions, then adopt the British 
Constitution. If not, then, good as that government may be, this 
is better. The worthy gentleman who was last up, said the con- 
federacies of ancient and modem times were not similar to ours, 
and that consequently reasons which applied against them could 
not be urged against it Do they not hold out one lesson very 
useful to us? However unlike in other respects, they resemble 
it in its total inefl&cacy. They warn us to shun their calamities, 
and place in our government those necessary powers, the want of 
which destroyed them. I hope we shall avail ourselves of their 
misfortunes, without experiencing them. There was something 
peculiar in one observation he made. He said that those who 
governed the cantons of Switzerland were purchased by foreign 
powers, which was the cause of their uneasiness and trouble. 

How does this apply to us? If we adopt such a government 
as theirs, will it not be subject to the same inconvenience ? Will 
not the same cause produce the same effect? Who shall protect 
us from it ? What is our security ? He then proceeded to say 
the causes of war are removed from us; that we are separated 
by the sea from the powers of Europe, and need not be alarmed. 
Sir, the sea makes them neighbors to us. Though an immense 
ocean divides us, we may speedily see them with us. What dan- 
gers may we not apprehend to our commerce! Does not our 
naval weakness invite an attack on our commerce ? May not the 
Algerines seize our vessels ? Cannot they, and every other pred- 
atory or maritime nation, pillage our ships and destroy our com- 
merce, without subjecting themselves to any inconvenience ? He 
would, he said, give the general government all necessary powers. 
If anything be necessary, it must be so to call forth the strength 
of the Union when we may be attacked, or when the general 
purposes of America require it. The worthy gentleman then 
proceeded to show that our present exigencies are greater than 
they will ever be again. Who can penetrate into futurity ? How 
can any man pretend to say that our future exigencies will be 
less than our present ? The exigencies of nations have been 
generally commensurate to their resources. It would be the ut- 
most impolicy to trust to a mere possibility of not being attacked, 
or obliged to exert the strength of the community. He then 
sx^oke of a selection of particular objects by Congress, which, he 
says, must necessarily be oppressive; that Congress, for instance, 
might select taxes, and that all but landholders would escape. 



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CHIEP-JUSTICB MARSHALL 2965 

Cannot Congress regulate the taxes so as to be equal on aU 
parts of the community? Where is the absurdity of having thir- 
teen revenues ? Will they clash with, or injure, each other ? If 
not, why cannot Congress make thirteen distinct laws, and im- 
pose the taxes on the general objects of taxation in each State, 
so as that all persons of the society shall pay equally, as they 
ought. 

He then told you that your continental government will call 
forth the virtue and talents of America. This being the case, 
will they encroach on the power of the State governments? 
Will our most virtuous and able citizens wantonly attempt to de- 
stroy the liberty of the people ? Will the most virtuous act the 
most wickedly? I differ in opinion from the worthy gentleman. 
I think the virtue and the talents of the members of the gen- 
eral government will tend to the security, instead of the destruc- 
tion, of our liberty. I think that the power of direct taxation is 
essential to the existence of the general government, and that it 
is safe to grant it. If this power be not necessary, and as safe 
from abuse as any delegated power can possibly be, then I say 
that the plan before you is unnecessary; for it imports not what 
system we have, unless it have the power of protecting us in 
time of peace and war. 



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2964 




THOMAS F. MARSHALL 

(1800-1864) 

iOMAS F. Marshall, one of the most celebrated Kentucky 
orators, has at his best a command of language not inieTior 
to that of Henry Clay himself. He served in the House of 
Representatives from 1841 to 1843, and made during that time a num- 
ber of extraordinarily eloquent speeches. Unfortunately, they are in- 
adequately reported, as a rule. He himself was so much aggrieved 
by the style of reporting then in vogue, that he rose in the House 
and publicly requested — not without manifest indignation — that 
thereafter his speeches should not be reported at all. The speech of 
July 6th, 1 841, was published in full and verbatim in the supplement 
to the Congressional Globe, evidently from his own copy. It seems 
to be the only one of his congressional speeches which was not 
badly mangled by the Globe's report of them. Marshall served as 
judge of the Louisville Circuit Court, but his temperament fitted him 
better for the successes at the bar and as a political speaker, on 
which his reputation rests. He died September 22d, 1864. 



NATIONAL POWER AND THE AMERICAN PEACE POLICY 

(From a Speech in the House of Representatives, July 6th, 1841, on a Bill to 
Dispose of the Proceeds of Public Land Sales) 

WHENCE, Mr. Chairman, springs this jealousy of the Federal 
Government, and whither does it tend? One would im- 
agine that it was created but to be feared and watched. 
It is treated as something naturally and necessarily hostile and 
dangerous to the States and the people. The powers with which 
it is armed are considered but as so many instruments of de- 
struction. It is represented as a great central mass, charged 
with poison and death, attracting everything within its sphere, 
and polluting or destroying everything which it attracts. It is 
represented as something foreign and inimical, whose constant 
and necessary policy it is to bow the sovereign crests of these 
States at the footstool of its own power by force, or to conquer 
and debase them into stipendiaries and vassals by bribes and 



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THOMAS F. MARSHALL 



2965 



corruption. Sir, while I listened to the impassioned invective of 
the gentleman from Virginia, I felt my mind inflaming against 
this mortal and monstrous foe, meditating such foul designs 
against public virtue and public liberty. 

But the question recurred: What is this Government, and who 
are we? Is Kentucky to be bought and sold, that she may be 
corrupted and enslaved ? Are New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia 
— all — all — to be brought tmder the hammer and struck off — 
honor, independence, freedom — all at a stroke? And who the 
auctioneer? Who the purchaser? Their own representatives, 
freely chosen and entirely responsible ? Nay, sir, they are doubly 
represented in this Government, so bent upon their destruction. 
We come fresh from the hands of the people themselves, soon to 
return and account for our conduct Those in the other end of 
the Capitol represent the States as sovereigns. Strange violation 
of all natural order, that we should plot the ruin of those whose 
breath is our life, whose independence and safety are our glory. 
Whither does this jealousy tend? Are the States only safe in 
alienation from, and enmity to, their common head? Are we 
most to dread the national authority when exerted most benefi- 
cently upon State interests? Sir, what can this mean, and to 
what does it tend, save dismemberment ? Why continue a Gov- 
ernment whose only power is for mischief; which, to be innocent, 
must be inert; and which, where most it seems to favor and to 
bless, means the more insidiously, but the more surely, to cor- 
rupt and to destroy? I can understand why a Consolidationist, 
if there be such a foe to reason and to liberty, or an early Fed- 
eralist, feeling an overwrought jealousy of the State sovereign- 
ties, and dreading the uniform tendency of confederated republics 
to dismemberment and separation, should feel unwilling to part 
with the power of internal improvement, and grant the revenue 
necessary to its exertion along with the power. I can tmder- 
stand why such an one, stretching his vision forward to that 
period when a sum approximating to the national debt of Eng- 
land shall have been expended by State authority, and the State 
governments, surrounded with corporations of their own creation 
and invested in perpetuity with the vast revenues in future to 
be derived from this vast and most profitable expenditure, shall 
swell into populous, opulent, and potent nations, the people look- 
ing up to them as the source from whence the facilities of com- 
merce have been derived, — I can tmderstand that such an one 



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29^6 



THOMAS P. MARSHALL 



might apprehend that, under these circumstances, the more dis- 
tant orb, the central sun, would grow dim and lose its just pro- 
portions to the planets which were destined to wheel around it. 
But how a State Rights man, one whose jealousies are all in the 
other direction, who dreads, from the centripetal tendency, the 
absorption of the smaller bodies and the consolidation of the sys- 
tem, — how such an one can see aught in this bill to threaten 
the power and independence of the States passes my under- 
standing. For my part, I see no danger on either hand. I see 
power, independence, and ample revenues for the States; but, as 
they swell, the nation which they compose cannot dwindle. The 
resources of the National Treasury expand in exact proportion to 
the expansion of the population, the wealth, the commerce, and 
consumption of the States. Indeed, sir, as a mere measure of 
national finance, as a far-sighted means of deepening the sources, 
the exclusive and peculiar sources, into which the States are for- 
bidden to dip, and from whence they as governments cannot 
drink, I should vote for the measure. Imagine the vast wilder- 
ness tamed into cultivation, eight hundred millions of acres of 
fertile land teeming with people, studded with cities, and inter- 
sected and connected by highways and canals; compute the con- 
sumption, if you can; imagine the revenue to be derived from it; 
concede, what is manifest, that, as the revenue increases, the 
burdens on commerce will diminish; and tell me, — no, sir, you 
will not tell me, — that the effect of this bill is to weaken the 
national powers or to oppress the people. 

But, sir, the provision for resuming this ftmd in time of war 
is a bribe to peace. Surely, sir, no one desires to convert this 
into a military Republic, to infuse into the States or the people 
a thirst for wars of ambition and of conquest. The meaning of 
the objection must be that the pecuniary consideration in the 
bill, — the distributive share of the States being limited to the 
time of peace, — will emasculate the spirit of the States, will 
tempt them to bear with wrongs and indignities, to shrink from 
just and necessary wars, wars of defense, — will, in a word, make 
slaves and cowards of us all. In this sense, this odious sense, is 
the bill considered as a bribe to peace. Mr. Chairman, I have 
shown, I think, that the necessary effect and avowed object of 
this bill is to increase the strength, enlarge the resources, estab- 
lish the credit, and relieve the finances of the States, at the same 
time that it multiplies the means and instruments of military 



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THOliAS F. MARSHALL 



2967 



operations, and extends the sources of national revenue. It is a 
new philosophy which teaches that, in proportion as you enlarge 
the objects for which men are most apt to fight, and improve the 
force with which they are to be defeated, you destroy the courage 
which makes that force eflBcient Peace, sir, is emphatically the 
policy of this country; peace is the true policy of the world; a 
policy into which religion and the most enlarged philosophy may 
yet indoctrinate mankind. 

^Oh! monarchs, did ye taste the peace ye mar. 
The hoarse, dull drum might sleep, and man be happy yet.* 

In one sense, industry and commerce are bribes to peace. 
The peculiar industry of the South is emphatically a bribe to 
peace. War, which would interrupt, if not destroy, our foreign 
commerce, and cut oflf the planting interest from their best cus- 
tomers, their most profitable markets, war would fall with aggra- 
vated hardships upon the agriculture of the South. Shall we 
inhibit the growth of cotton? Shall we break up all industry 
which has foreign consumption for its object? Shall we sunder 
the chain which binds the civilized nations of the world into one 
great commercial Republic ? Shall we undo all that art, science, 
reason, and religion have achieved to change the direction of 
human genius, to soften and beautify the face of modem society ? 
Shall we teach nations again to look to war, spoils, and con- 
quest, for the means of subsistence and the only true foundations 
of glory and of empire? 

The gentleman from Virginia, in the prosecution of this ob- 
jection, warns New York and Maine against the consequence of 
the bill. He exhorts New York, in an especial manner, to stand 
by her rights, — to maintain inviolate her territory by her own 
authority. Try McLeod by your own laws and courts, and, if 
you find him guilty, hang him, said the gentleman [Mr. Wise]; 
hang him upon the border, hang him high, and within full view 
of the Canadian fortresses, that his dangling corse may flout 
the British cannon. Sir, I understood the gentleman [Mr. Wise] 
the other day to approve the ground taken by the American sec- 
retary [Mr. Webster] in that most dignified correspondence which 
he held with the British minister in relation to the case of Mc- 
Leod. I understood that ground to be that the course of the 
British Government on this subject had rendered it a national 
question. The jurisdiction of such belongs exclusively to the 



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39^5 



THOMAS P. MARSHALL 



National Government. If wrong has been done, New York has 
surer remedy in the united force and constitutional guarantee of 
twenty-six States than she could find in her own arm, potent as 
it is. The soil of New York is the soil of the United States; 
the citizens of New York are citizens of the United States; the 
right and the power, constitutional and physical, have been sur- 
rendered to this Government to settle all questions touching the 
safety of either, in their collision with other countries, whether 
by negotiation or the sterner arbitrament of the sword. Surely 
the State of New York feels no diffidence in that Grovemment of 
which she forms so important a part. Surely she means not to 
answer the gentleman's appeal, and, throwing off the national 
authority, to draw questions of peace and war from the Ameri- 
can Government to her own State courts. She means not to 
treat or war with England or any other country upon her own 
separate account. The duty to carry on war is surely in reason, 
as it is undoubtedly in our fimdamental law, intimately and in- 
separately connected with the power to declare it, and to decide 
all questions with foreign countries which may involve such a 
result. That the rights and the honor of New York are secure 
from violation or insult in the hands where the Constitution has 
placed them, I should deem it akin to treason to doubt Her 
rights, her honor, her territory, are the rights, the honor, the 
territory of the United States. She is part of my country. 
She is coveted by the imperial flag, overshadowed every inch of 
her by the wings of the imperial eagle, protected by his beak 
and talons. For these sentiments I may be permitted to answer 
here for at least one State in the Union. Kentucky is placed 
securely in the centre. So long as this Government lasts, her 
soil is virgin and safe from the impress of a hostile foot Her 
fields — thanks to the wisdom of our ancestors, the goodness of 
God, and the guardian power of this imperial Republic — her 
fields can never be wasted by ravage, her hearths can never 
taste of military violation. She knows full well the source of 
her security, the shield of her liberties. 

The exterior States are the bulwarks of her safety — the im- 
pregnable fortresses which break the storm of war, and keep far 
distant from her borders its ravage and its horrors. She views 
them as such, and regards their rights, their safety, and their 
liberty, as her own. She is one of a system of nerves which 
vibrate at the least touch from without, from the remotest 



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THOMAS P. MARSHALL 



2969 



extremity to the centre. The frontier of New York is her frontier; 
the Atlantic seaboard is her seaboard; and the millions expended 
in fortifying the one or the other, she regards as expended for 
her defense. A blow aimed at New York is a blow aimed at 
herself; an indignity or an outrage inflicted upon any State in 
this Union is inflicted upon the whole and upon each. To sub- 
mit to such were to sacrifice her independence and her freedom 
— to make all other blessings valueless, all other property inse- 
cure. Not all the unsettled domain of the Union, in full prop- 
erty and jurisdiction, could bribe her to such a sacrifice. The 
blood she has shed on the snows of Canada and in the swamps 
of Louisiana gives ample testimony to her readiness to meet 
danger at a distance. She seeks no separate destiny; she feels 
no interest alien from the common country. She wants this 
money to strengthen herself, and, by strengthening herself, to 
make the whole cotmtry stronger and better able to maintain 
any future conflict in which its interests or its safety may in- 
volve it 



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2970 







LUTHER MARTIN 

{1744-1826) 

■HEN the Federal Constitution was adopted in 1787, Luther 
Martin left the convention to avoid signing it, because, as 
he thought, the convention had rejected *the federal prin- 
ciple* as the basis of the government. By a * federal* government, 
as it was then understood, was meant a league of States united by 
the Constitution operating as a treaty. On his return to Maryland, 
he addressed the legislature explaining the action of the convention 
and defining his own attitude. He wished a federal government by 
•the States as States* and not by «the people of the States* — this 
latter form in his view constituting a National rather than a Federal 
government. 

Bom in 1744 and trained for the bar. where he easily won promi- 
nence, he served as Attorney-General of Maryland from 1778 to 1805. 
Reappointed in 18 18, he was disabled in 1820 by paralysis, and in 
1822 the legislature of Maryland attested his extraordinary popularity 
by an act requiring every lawyer in the State to pay a license fee of 
five dollars a year to pension him. He died July loth, 1826. 



IS THE GOVERNMENT FEDERAL OR NATIONAL? 

(Prom the Address of 1778 to the Maryland Legislature, Characterizing the 
Proceedings in the Convention for the Adoption of the Federal Constitu- 
tion) 

IT HAS been observed, Mr. Speaker, by my honorable colleagues, 
that the debate respecting the mode of representation was 
productive of considerable warmth. This observation is true. 
But, sir, it is equally true that, if we could have tamely and serv- 
ilely consented to be bound in chains, and meanly condescended 
to assist in riveting them fast, we might have avoided all that 
warmth, and have proceeded with as much calmness and cool- 
ness as any Stoic could have wished. Having thus, sir, given 
the honorable members of this house a short history of some 
of the interesting parts of our proceedings, I shall beg leave 
to take up the system published by the convention, and shall 



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LUTHER MARTIN 



2971 



request your indulgence while I make some observations on dif- 
ferent parts of it, and give you such further information as may 
be in my power. [Here Mr. Martin read the first section of the 
first article, and then proceeded.] With respect to this part of 
the system, Mr. Speaker, there was a diversity of sentiment. 
Those who were for two branches in the legislature — a House 
of Representatives and a Senate — urged the necessity of a sec- 
ond branch, to serve as a check upon the first, and used all 
those trite and commonplace arguments which may be proper 
and just when applied to the formation of a State government 
over individuals variously distinguished in their habits and man- 
ners, fortune and rank; where a body chosen in a select manner, 
respectable for their wealth and dignity, may be necessary, fre- 
quently, to prevent the hasty and rash measures of a representa- 
tion more popular. But, on the other side, it was urged that 
none of those arguments could with propriety be applied to the 
formation of a federal government over a number of independent 
States — that it is the State governments which are to watch 
over and protect the rights of the individual, whether rich or 
poor, or of moderate circumstances, and in which the democratic 
and aristocratic influence or principles are to be so blended, 
modified, and checked, as to prevent oppression and injury — 
that the federal government is to guard and protect the States 
and their rights, and to regulate their common concerns — that a 
federal government is formed by the States, as States (that is, 
in their sovereign capacities), in the same manner as treaties and 
alliances are formed — that a sovereignty, considered as such, 
cannot be said to have jarring interests or principles, the one 
aristocratic, and the other democratic; but that the principles of 
a sovereignty, considered as a sovereignty, are the same, whether 
that sovereignty is monarchical, aristocratical, democratical, or 
mixed — that the history of mankind doth not furnish an in- 
stance, from its earliest history to the present time, of a federal 
government constituted of two distinct branches — that the mem- 
bers of the federal government, if appointed by the States in 
their State capacities (that is, by their legislatures, as they 
ought), would be select in their choice; and, coming from differ- 
ent States, having different interests and views, this difference 
of interests and views would always be a suflScient check over 
the whole; and it was shown that even Adams, who, the review- 
ers have justly observed, appears to be as fond of checks and 



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2972 LUTHER MARTIN 

balances as Lord Chesterfield of the graces, — even he declares 
that a council consisting of one branch has always been found 
sufficient in a federal government. 

It was urged that the government we were forming was not 
in reality a federal, but a national, government, not founded on 
the principles of the preservation, but the abolition or consolida- 
tion, of all State governments — that we appeared totally to have 
forgotten the business for which we were sent, and the situation 
of the country for which we were preparing our system — that 
we had not been sent to form a government over the inhabitants 
of America, considered as individuals — that, as individuals, they 
were all subject to their respective State governments, which 
governments would still remain though the federal government 
should be dissolved — that the system of government we were 
intrusted to prepare was a government over these thirteen 
States; but that, in our proceedings, we adopted principles which 
would be right and proper only on the supposition that there 
were no State governments at all, but that all the inhabitants of 
this extensive continent were, in their individual capacity, with- 
out government, and in a state of nature — that, accordingly, the 
system proposes the legislature to consist of two branches, the 
one to be drawn from the people at large, immediately, in their 
individual capacity; the other to be chosen in a more select man- 
ner, as a check upon the first. It is, in its very introduction, 
declared to be a compact between the people of the United 
States as individuals; and it is to be ratified by the people at 
large, in their capacity as individuals; all which, it was said, 
would be quite right and proper, if there were no State govern- 
ments, if all the people of this continent were in a state of nat- 
ure, and we were forming one national government for them as 
individuals; and is nearly the same as was done in most of the 
States, when they formed their governments over the people 
who composed them. 

Whereas it was urged that the principles on which a federal 
government over States ought to be constructed and ratified are 
the reverse; and, instead of the legislature consisting of two 
branches, one branch was sufficient, whether examined by the 
dictates of reason or the experience of ages — that the represent- 
ation, instead of being drawn from the people at large, as indi- 
viduals, ought to be drawn from the States, as States, in their 
sovereign capacity — that, in a federal government, the parties to 



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LUTHER MARTIN 2973 

the compact are not the people, as individuals, but the States, as 
States; and that it is by the States, as States, in their sovereign 
capacity, that the system of government ought to be ratified, and 
not by the people, as individuals. 

It was further said that in a federal government over States 
equally free, sovereign, and independent, every State ought to 
have an equal share in making the federal laws or regulations, 
in deciding upon them, and in carrying them into execution, 
neither of which was the case in this system, but the reverse, 
the States not having an equal voice in the legislature, nor in 
the appointment of the executive, the judges, and the other offi- 
cers of government. It was insisted that in the whole system 
there was but one federal feature — the appointment of the Sena- 
tors by the States in their sovereign capacity, that is, by their 
legislatures, and the equality of su&age in that branch. . . . 

Viewing it as a national, not a federal government, — as cal- 
culated and designed, not to protect and preserve, but to abolish 
and annihilate the State governments, — it was opposed for the 
following reasons: It was said that this continent was much too 
extensive for one national government, which should have suffi- 
cient power and energy to pervade, and hold in obedience and 
subjection, all its parts, consistently with the enjoyment and pres- 
ervation of liberty — that the genius and habits of the people of 
America were opposed to such a government — that, during their 
connection with Great Britain, they had been accustomed to have 
all their concerns transacted within a narrow circle, their colonial 
district; they had been accustomed to have their seats of govern- 
ment near them, to which they might have access, without much 
inconvenience, when their business should require it — that, at 
this time, we find, if a county is rather large, the people com- 
plain of the inconvenience, and clamor for a division of their 
county, or for a removal of the place where their courts are 
held, so as to render it more central and convenient — that, in 
those States the territory of which is extensive, as soon as the 
population increases remote from the seat of government, the in- 
habitants are urgent for a removal of the seat of their govern- 
ment, or to be erected into a new State. As a proof of this, the 
inhabitants of the western parts of Virginia and North Carolina, 
of Vermont and the Province of Maine, were instances; even the 
^inhabitants of the western parts of Pennsylvania, who, it is said, 



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2gj^ LUTHER MARTIN 

already seriously look forward to the time when they shall either 
be erected into a new State, or have their seat of government 
removed to the Susquehanna. If the inhabitants of the different 
States consider it as a grievance to attend a county court, or the 
seat of their own government, when a little inconvenient, can it 
be supposed they would ever submit to have a national govern- 
ment established, the seat of which would be more than a thou- 
sand miles removed from some of them ? It was insisted that 
governments of a republican nature are those best calculated to 
preserve the freedom and happiness of the citizen — that govern- 
ments of this kind are only calculated for a territory but small 
in its extent — that the only method by which an extensive 
continent, like America, could be connected and united together, 
consistently with the principles of freedom, must be by having a 
number of strong and energetic State governments, for securing 
and protecting the rights of individuals forming those govern- 
ments, and for regulating all their concerns; and a strong, ener- 
getic, federal government over those States, for the protection 
and preservation, and for regulating the common concerns of the 
States. 

It was further insisted that, even if it were possible to effect 
a total abolition of the State governments at this time, and to 
establish one general government over the people of America, it 
could not long subsist, but in a little time would again be broken 
into a variety of governments of a smaller extent, similar, in 
some manner, to the present situation of this continent. The 
principal difference, in all probability, would be that the govern- 
ments so established, being affected by some violent convulsion, 
might not be formed on principles so favorable to liberty as 
those of our present State governments — that this ought to be 
an important consideration to such of the States as had excel- 
lent governments, which was the case with Maryland, and most 
others, whatever it might be to persons who, disapproving of 
their particular State government, would be willing to hazard 
everything to overturn and destroy it. These reasons, sir, influ- 
enced me to vote against two branches in the legislature, and 
against every part of the system which was repugnant to the 
principles of a federal government Nor was there a single ar- 
gument urged, or reason assigned, which, to my mind, was satis- 
factory to prove that a good government, on federal principles. 



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LUTHER MARTIN 2975 

was tmattainable; the whole of their arguments only proving, what 
none of us controverted-:- that our federal government, as origin- 
ally formed, was defective, and wanted amendment. 

However, a majority of the convention, hastily and inconsid- 
erately, without condescending to make a fair trials in their great 
wisdom decided that a kind of government which a Montesquieu 
and a Price have declared the best calculated of any to preserve 
internal liberty, and to enjoy external strength and security, and 
the only one by which a large continent can be connected and 
united, consistently with the principles of liberty, was totally im- 
practicable; and they acted accordingly. 



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2976 



GEORGE MASON 

(1 725-1 792) 

(eorge Mason was the author of the Virginia Bill of Rights, 
the first doctunent which gave adequate expression to the 
principles formulated by Jefferson in the Declaration of In- 
dependence. In the Constitutional Convention of 1787 he presented 
the plan inspired by Madison, but after the close of the convention 
he withdrew without signing the Constitution. Returning to Virginia, 
he joined Patrick Henry in opposing its ratification. He was bom in 
Fairfax County, Virginia, in 1725, and died there in 1792. 




•THE NATURAL PROPENSITY OP RULERS TO OPPRESS* 

(On the Eighth Section of the Federal Constitution — Delivered in the 
Virginia Convention, June 14th, 1788) 

Mr, Chairman: — 

UNLESS there be some restrictions on the power of calling forth 
the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress in- 
surrections, and repel invasions, we may very easily see that 
it will produce dreadful oppressions. It is extremely unsafe, with- 
out some alterations. It would be to use the militia to a very 
bad purpose, if any disturbance happened in New Hampshire, to 
call them from Georgia. This would harass the people so much 
that they would agree to abolish the use of the militia, and es- 
tablish a standing army. I conceive the General Government 
ought to have x)ower over the militia, but it ought to have some 
bounds. If gentlemen say that the militia of a neighboring State 
is not sufficient, the Government ought to have power to call 
forth those of other States, the most convenient and contiguous. 
But in this case the consent of the State legislatures ought to be 
had. On real emergencies this consent will never be denied, each 
State being concerned in the safety of the rest. This power may 
be restricted without any danger. I wish such an amendment 
as this — that the militia of any State should not be marched be- 
yond the limits of the adjoining State; and if it be necessary to 



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GEORGE MASON 



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draw them from one end of the continent to the other, I wish 
such a check as the consent of the State legislature to be pro-' 
vided. Gentlemen may say that this would impede the Govern- 
ment, and that the State legislatures would counteract it by 
refusing their consent This argument may be applied to all ob- 
jections whatsoever. How is this compared to the British Consti- 
tution? Though the King may declare war, the Parliament has 
the means of carrying it on. It is not so here. Congress can do 
both. Were it not for that check in the British Government, the 
monarch would be a despot. When a war is necessary for the 
benefit of the nation, the means of carrying it on are never 
denied. If any unjust requisition be made on Parliament, it will 
be, as it ought to be, refused. The same principle ought to be 
observed in our government. In times of real danger, the States 
will have the same enthusiasm in aiding the General Govern- 
ment, and granting its demands, which is seen in England when 
the King is engaged in a war apparently for the interest of the 
nation. This power is necessary, but we ought to guard against 
danger. If ever they attempt to harass and abuse the militia, 
they may abolish them and raise a standing army in their stead. 
There are various ways of destroying the militia. A standing 
army may be i)erpetually established in their stead. I abominate 
and detest the idea of a government where there is a standing 
army. 

The militia may be here destroyed by that method which has 
been practiced in other parts of the world before; that is, by 
rendering them useless — by disarming them. Under various pre- 
tenses. Congress may neglect to provide for arming and disciplin- 
ing the militia; and the State governments cannot do it, for 
Congress has an executive right to arm them, etc. Here is a 
line of division drawn between them — the State and general 
governments. The power of the militia is divided between them. 
The National Government has an executive right to provide for 
arming, organizing, and disciplining the militia, and for govern- 
ing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the 
United States. The State governments have the power of ap- 
pointing the officers, and of training the militia, according to the 
discipline prescribed by Congress, if they should think proper to 
prescribe any. Should the National Government wish to render 
the militia useless, they may neglect them, and let them perish, 
in order to have a pretense of establishing a standing army, 
vni— 187 



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GEORGE MASON 



No man has a greater regard for the military gentlemen than I 
have. I admire their intrepidity, perseverance, and valor. But 
when once a standing army is established in any country, the 
people lose their liberty. When, against a regular disciplined 
army^ yeomanry are the only defense, — yeomanry, unskillful and 
unarmed, — what chance is there for preserving freedom? Give 
me leave to recur to the page of history, to warn you of your 
present danger. Recollect the history of most nations of the 
world. What havoc, desolation, and destruction have been per- 
petrated by standing armies! An instance within the memory of 
some of this house will show us how our militia may be destroyed. 
Forty years ago, when the resolution of enslaving America was 
formed in Great Britain, the British Parliament was advised by 
an artful man, who was governor of Pennsylvania, to disarm the 
people; that it was the best and most effectual way to enslave 
them; but that they should not do it openly, but weaken them, 
and let them sink gradually, by totally disusing and neglecting 
the militia. This was a most iniquitous project. Why should 
we not provide against the danger of having our militia, our real 
and natural strength, destroyed ? The General Government ought, 
at the same time, to have some such power. But we need not 
give them x)ower to abolish our militia. If they neglect to arm 
them, and prescribe proper discipline, they will be of no use. I 
am not acquainted with the military profession. I beg to be ex- 
cused for any errors I may commit with respect to it. But I 
stand on the general principles of freedom, whereon I dare to 
meet any one. I wish that, in case the General Government 
should neglect to arm and discipline the militia, there should be 
an express declaration that the State governments might arm 
and discipline them. With this single exception, I would agree 
to this part, as I am conscious the Grovemment ought to have the 
power. 

They may effect the destruction of the militia, by rendering 
the service odious to the people themselves, by harassing them 
from one end of the continent to the other, and by keeping 
them imder martial law. 

The English Parliament never pass a mutiny bill but for one 
year. This is necessary; for otherwise the soldiers would be on 
the same footing with the officers, and the army would be dis- 
solved. One mutiny bill has been here in force since the Revolu- 
tion. I humbly conceive there is extreme danger of establishing 



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GEORGE MASON apyp 

cruel martial regulations. If, at any time, our rulers should have 
unjust and iniquitous designs against our liberties, and should 
wish to establish a standing army, the first attempt would be to 
render the service and use of militia odious to the i>eople them- 
selves — subjecting them to tmnecessary severity of discipline in 
time of peace, confining them under martial law, and disgusting 
them so much as to make them cry out: 'Give us a standing 
army!' I would wish to have some check to exclude this dan- 
ger; as that the militia should never be subject to martial law 
but in the time of war. I consider and fear the natural propen- 
sity of rulers to oppress the people. I wish only to prevent 
them from doing evil. By these amendments I would give nee- 
essary powers, but no unnecessary power. If the clause stand 
as it is now, it will take from the State legislatures what divine 
Providence has given to every individual — the means of self- 
defense. Unless it be moderated in some degree, it will ruin us, 
and introduce a standing army. 



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JEAN BAPTISTE MASSILLON 

(1663-1742) 

preachers make me pleased with them,''^ said Lotiis XIV., 
after listening to Massillon, ^but Massillon makes me dis- 
pleased with myself. • That, no doubt, is the highest com- 
pliment a King ever paid or conld pay to a com! preacher, and no 
doubt Massillon deserved it. If he is not always broad, he is alwa3rs 
manly. He did not hesitate to tell the King that the principles oi 
the Christian religion were better known in peasant huts than in 
palaces. 

Massillon was one of the greatest pulpit orators of Prance. He 
ranks with Bossuet in his power of expression. Bom at Hy^res, June 
34th, 1663, he was educated for the Church, becoming early in life a 
member of the * Congregation of the Oratory.* In 1696 he began his 
work in Paris where he became director of the Seminary of St. Mag- 
loire. In 1704 he became Court Preacher and in 17 17 Bishop of Cler- 
mont. He died September i8th, 1742. His works published in 1745 
make fifteen voltmies. 



THE CURSE OP A MALIGNANT TONGUE 
(Prom His Sermon, < Evil-Speaking >) 

THE tongue, says the Apostle James, is a devouring fire, a 
world of iniquity, an unruly evil, full of deadly poison. 
And behold what I would have applied to the tongue of 
the evil-speaker, had I undertaken to give you a just and natural 
idea of all the enormity of this vice; I would have said that the 
tongue of the slanderer is a devouring fire which tarnishes 
whatever it touches; which exercises its fury on the good grain, 
equally as on the chaff; on the profane, as on the sacred; which, 
wherever it passes, leaves only desolation and ruin; digs even 
into the bowels of the earth, and fixes itself on things the most 
hidden; turns into vile ashes, what only a moment before had 
appeared to us so precious and brilliant; acts with more violence 
and danger than ever, in the time when it was apparently 
smothered up and almost extinct; which blackens what it cannot 



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JEAN BAPTISTS MASSILLON s^gi 

consume, and sometimes sparkles and delights before it destroys. 
I would have told you that evil-speaking is an assemblage of 
iniquity; a secret pride, which discovers to us the mote in our 
brother's eye, but hides the beam which is in our own; a mean 
envy, which, hurt at the talents or prosperity of others, makes 
them the subject of its censures, and studies to dim the splendor 
of whatever outshines itself; a disguised hatred, which sheds, in 
its speeches, the hidden venom of the heart; an unworthy duplic- 
ity, which praises to the face and tears to pieces behind the 
back; a shameful levity, which has no command over itself or 
its words, and often sacrifices both fortune and comfort to the 
imprudence of an amusing conversation; a deliberate barbarity, 
which goes to pierce your absent brother; a scandal, where you 
become a subject of shame and sin to those who listen to you; 
an injustice, where you ravish from your brother what is dearest 
to him. I should have said that slander is a restless evil, which 
disturbs society, spreads dissension through cities and cotmtries, 
disunites the strictest friendships; is the source of hatred and re- 
venge; fills, wherever it enters, with disturbances and confusion, 
and everywhere is an enemy to peace, comfort, and Christian 
good-breeding. Lastly, I should have added that it is an evil 
full of deadly poison; whatever flows from it is infected, and 
poisons whatever it approaches; that even its praises are em- 
poisoned, its applauses malicious, its silence criminal, its gestures, 
motions, and looks, have all their venom, and spread it each in 
their way. 

Behold, what in this discourse it would have been my duty, 
more at large, to have exposed to your view, had I not proposed 
only to paint to you the vileness of the vice, which I am now 
going to combat; but, as I have already said, these are only 
general invectives, which none apply to themselves. The more 
odious the vice is represented, the less do you perceive your* 
selves concerned in it; and though you acknowledge the princi- 
ple, you make no use of it in the regulation of your manners; 
because, in these general paintings, we always find features 
which resemble us not. I wish, therefore, to confine myself at 
present to the single object of making you feel all the injustice 
of that description of slander which you think the more innocent; 
and, lest you should not feel yourself connected with what I 
shall say, I shall attack it only in the pretexts which you con- 
tinually employ in its justification. 



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2gB2 JEAN BAPTISTS MASSILLON 

Now the first pretext which authorizes in the world ahnost all 
the defamations, and is the cause that our conversations are now 
continual censures yxpon our brethren, is the pretended insignifi- 
cancy of the vices we exx)ose to view. We would not wish to 
tarnish a man of character or ruin his forttme by dishonoring 
him in the world; to stain the principles of a wonian*s conduct 
by entering into the essential points of it; that would be too in- 
famous and mean: but upon a thousand faults which lead our 
judgment to believe them capable of all the rest; to inspire the 
minds of those who listen to us with a thousand suspicions which 
point out what we dare not say; to make satirical remarks which 
discover a mystery, where no person before had perceived the 
least intention of concealment; by poisonous interpretations, to 
give an air of ridicule to manners which had hitherto escaped 
observation; to let everything, on certain points, be clearly un- 
derstood, while protesting that they are incapable themselves of 
cunning or deceit, is what the world makes little scruples of; and 
thcmgh the motives, the circimistances, and the effects of these 
discourses be highly criminal, yet gayety and liveliness excuse 
their malignity, to those who listen to us, and even conceal from 
ourselves their atrocity. 

I say, in the first place, the motives. I know that it is, above 
all, by the innocency of the intention that they pretend to jus- 
tify themselves; that you continually say that your design is not 
to tarnish the reputation of your brother, but innocently to divert 
yourselves with faults which do not dishonor him in the eyes of 
the world. You, my dear hearer, to divert yourself with his 
faults! But what is that cruel pleasure which carries sorrow and 
bitterness to the heart of your brother ? Where is the innocency 
of an amusement whose source springs from vices which ought 
to inspire you with compassion and grief? If Jesus Christ for- 
bids us in the Gospel to invigorate the languors of conversation 
by idle words, shall it be more permitted to you to enliven it by 
derisions and censures ? If the law curses him who uncovers the 
nakedness of his relations, shall you who add raillery and insult 
to the discovery be more protected from that malediction ? If who- 
ever calls his brother fool be worthy, according to Jesus Christ, of 
eternal fire, shall he who renders him the contempt and laughing- 
stock of the profane assembly escape the same punishment? 
You J to amuse yourself with his faults? But does charity delight 
in evil? Is that rejoicing in the Lord, as commanded by the 



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JEAN BAPTISTS MASSILLON 3933 

apostle ? If you love your brother as yourself, can you delight in 
what afllicts him ? Ah ! the Church formerly held in horror the 
exhibition of gladiators, and denied that believers, brought up in 
the tenderness and benignity of Jesus Christ could innocently 
feast their eyes with the blood and death of these unfortunate 
slaves, or form a harmless recreation of so inhuman a pleasure. 
But you renew more detestable shows to enliven your languor; 
you bring upon the stage not infamous wretches devoted to 
death, but members of Jesus Christ, your brethren; and there 
yon entertain the spectators with wounds which you inflict on 
persons rendered sacred by baptism. 

Is it then necessary that your brother should suffer, to amuse 
you ? Can you find no delight in your conversations, tmless his 
blood, as I may say, is furnished towards your iniquitous pleas- 
ures ? Edify each other, says St Paul, by words of peace and 
charity; relate the wonders of God towards the just, the history 
of his mercies to sinners; recall the virtues of those who, with 
the sign of faith, have preceded us; make an agreeable relaxa- 
tion to yourselves, in reciting the pious examples of your breth- 
ren with whom you live; with a religious joy, speak of the 
victories of faith, of the aggrandizement of the kingdom of Jesus 
Christ, of the establishment of the truth and the extinction of 
error, of the favors which Jesus Christ bestows on his Church, 
by raising up in it faithful pastors, enlightened members, and re- 
ligious princes; animate yourselves to virtue, by contemplating 
the little solidity of the world, the emptiness of pleasures, and 
the tmhappiness of sinners, who yield themselves up to their im- 
ruly passions. Are these grand objects not worthy the delight of 
Christians ? It was thus, however, that the first believers rejoiced 
in the Lord, and, from the sweets of their conversations, formed 
one of the most holy consolations to their temporal calamities. 
It is the heart, my brethren, which decides upon our pleasures: 
a corrupted heart feels no delight but in what recalls to him 
the image of his vices; innocent delights are only suitable to 
virtue. 

In effect, you excuse the malignity of your censures by the 
innocency of your intentions. But fathom the secret of your 
heart: Whence comes it that your sarcasms are always pointed 
to such an individual, and that you never amuse yourself with 
more wit, or more agreeably, than in recalling his faults ? May 
it not proceed from a secret jealousy ? Do not his talents, for- 



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29S4 y^^^ BAPTISTS MASSILLON 

tttne, credit, station, or character, hurt you more than his faults? 
Would you find him so fit a subject for censure, had he fewer of 
those qualities which exalt him above you ? Would you experi- 
ence such pleasure in exposing his foibles, did not the world find 
qualities in him both valuable and praiseworthy? Would Saul 
have so often repeated with such pleasure that David was only 
the son of Jesse, had he not considered him as a rival, more de- 
serving than himself of the empire? Whence comes it that the 
faults of all others find you more indulgent? That elsewhere 
you excuse everything, but here every circumstance comes em- 
poisoned from your mouth ? Go to the source, and examine if it 
is not some secret root of bitterness in your heart. And can 
you pretend to justify, by the innocency of the intention, dis- 
courses which flow from so corrupted a principle ? You maintain 
that it is neither from hatred nor jealousy against your brother: 
I wish to believe it; but in your sarcasms may there not be mot- 
ives, perhaps, still more shameful and mean? Is it not your 
wish to render yourself agreeable, by turning your brother into an 
object of contempt and ridicule ? Do you not sacrifice his charac- 
ter to your fortune ? Courts are always so filled with these adu- 
latory and sordidly interested satires on each other! The great 
are to be pitied whenever they yield themselves up to unwarrant- 
able aversions. Vices are soon found out, even in that virtue it- 
self which displeases them. 

But, after all, you do not feel yourselves guilty, you say, of 
all these vile motives; and that it is merely through indiscretion 
and levity of speech, if it sometimes happens that you defame 
your brethren. But is it by that you can suppose yourself more 
innocent? Levity and indiscretion; that vice so unworthy of the 
gravity of a Christian, so distant from the seriousness and solid- 
ity of faith, and so often condemned in the Grospel, can it justify 
another vice? What matters it to the brother whom you stab 
whether it be done through indiscretion or malice? Does an 
arrow, unwittingly drawn, make a less dangerous or* slighter 
wound than if sent on purpose ? Is the deadly blow which you 
give to your brother more slight because it was lanced through 
imprudence and levity? And what signifies the innocency of the 
intention when the action is a crime ? But, besides, is there no 
criminality in indiscretion with regard to the reputation of your 
brethren ? In any case whatever can more circumspection and 
prudence be required? Are not all the duties of Christianity 



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JEAN BAPTISTS MASSILLON 2985 

comprised in that of charity? Does not all religion, as I may 
say, consist in that? And to be incapable of attention and care, 
in a point so highly essential, is it not considering, as it were, all 
the rest as a sport ? Ah! it is here he onght to put a guard of 
circumspection on his tongue, weigh every word, put them to- 
gether in his heart, says the sage Ecclesiasticus, and let them 
ripen in his mouth. Do any of these inconsiderate speeches ever 
escape you against yourself? Do you ever fail in attention to 
what interests your honor or glory? What indefatigable cares! 
what exertions and industry, to make them prosper! To what 
lengths we see you go, to increase your interest or to improve 
your fortune! If it ever happens that you take blame to your- 
self, it is always under circumstances which tend to your praise. 
You censure in yourself only faults which do you honor; and, in 
confessing your vices, you wish only to recapitulate your virtues. 
Self-love connects everything with yourself. Love your brother 
as you love yourself, and everything will recall you to him; you 
will be incapable of indiscretion where his interest is concerned, 
and will no longer need our instructions in respect to what you 
owe to his character and glory. 



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2986 







COTTON MATHER 

(1663-1728) 

^OTTON Mather was the first pulpit orator of great intellectnal 
force bom and educated in America. He published during 
his life three hundred and eighty-two • works, ''^ ranging in 
si^e and importance from a controversial pamphlet up to the seven 
folio volumes of his ^Magnalia Christi Americana,^ or ^Ecclesiastical 
History of New England. > He was bom in Boston, February 12th, 
1663, and educated at Harvard College. After graduation he served 
as colleague to his father. Increase Mather, pastor of the North Church 
in Boston. During the excitement over witchcraft. Cotton Mather, 
whose ^Wonders of the Invisible World ^ will always retain its place 
in the regard of students of the curious in literature, so identified 
himself with the prosecution, that his reputation as a witchfinder has 
almost obscured what might otherwise have been his great celebrity 
as a preacher and writer. His critics declare that his style has * oc- 
casional puerilities,* but he was unquestionably an orator of great 
power with a keen sympathy for the musical values of words. He 
died February 13th, 1728. 



AT THE SOUND OF THE TRUMPET 

(From a Sermon on the Text <( Blessed is the people that know the joyful 
sound.* — Psalm Izzxix. 15) 

THERE was a direction given and taken in the old Church of 
Israel, *Make thee two trumpets of silver, that thou mayst 
use them for the calling of the assembly.* By the sound 
of such silver trumpets, the people of God were called unto the 
employments and enjoyments of their sacred solemnities. And 
was this the joyful sound, for which the people that heard it 
are now pronounced a blessed people ? I deny not the reference 
hereunto, which may be here supposed. But then we will sup- 
pose a further intent of the Holy Spirit, by whom the Psalm 
was dictated. He may intend the joyful sound, which in the 



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COTTON MATHER 



2987 



Gospel and the institutions thereof his people are blessed withal. 
And, accordingly, it will be no wrong unto the text, if we put it 
unto the use of supporting this doctrine. 

Glorious is the blessedness of the people who truly know the 
joyful sound, which in and with the glorious Gospel of the blessed 
God, and the institutions thereof, arrives unto us. 

In the Grospel, and the ordinances of it, there is a joyful 
sound, which we are made partakers of. A true knowledge of 
this joyful sound will render the people that have it a blessed 
people. . . . 

In order to blessedness, it is requisite, not only that we have, 
but also that we know the joyful sound which is brought unto 
us in the Gospel, and in the ordinances of it. Indeed, in a larger 
sense, to have the joyful sound is to know it. A people that 
have the Gospel, and know the joyful sound, in the external en- 
joyment of it, these do enjoy a rich favor of Grod. The places 
which enjoy the Scriptures and have the Church state, with the 
faith and order of the Gospel, are therein highly favored of the 
Lord. 

Gideon's fleece, wet with the dews of heaven, when the ground 
all about is dry, has a singular token for good upon it. The 
sound of the trumpets which proclaim the kingdom of God is 
heard in some happy lands, while others are left unacquainted 
with it. Even so, righteous Father, because it pleases thee! And 
so far they have a singular happiness. It may be said unto 
them : • Blessed are your eyes, for they see, and your ears, for 
they hear.' Such a people are in some degree the favorites of 
heaven. They have the kingdom in some essay of it among 
them. Where the trumpets of the Grospel are sotmding, we may 
say: *The Lord is near.''^ Yea, the name of that city, that coun- 
try, is Jehovah Shammah, *the Lord is there. '^ A people who 
so far know the joyful sound are after a peculiar manner known 
by the King of Heaven. He may say to such: *You only have 
I known. ''^ But alas, many who so far know the joyful sound 
may, after all, come to *lie down in sorrow.*^ They that are so 
far lifted up to heaven may be thrown down to hell after all. 
In such a knowledge of the joyful sotmd as will render a people 
a blessed people, there is more implied than a mere hearing of 
it. To know the joyful sound, as it should be known, is to know 
the meaning of it, the value of it, the credit of it, and the power 
of it. . . . 



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2988 



COTTON MATHER 



O blessed people, who so know the joyful sound! It is one of 
the notes in the silver trumpets. If ye know these things, happy 
are ye if ye do them. And one of the Divine heralds that car- 
ried the silver trumpets through the world has assured us, • the 
doer of the word, this man shall be blessed in his deed.* 

The blessedness of the people who thus know this joyful 
sound is a very glorious blessedness. 

A most considerable article of the blessedness attending a 
people who hear the silver trumpets of the Gospel, and pay due 
regard tmto them, is this: they shall walk, O Lord, in the Ught 
of thy countenance. A gracious preference of the blessed God 
among a people accompanies the joyful sound. The silver trum- 
pets are heard nowhere but where the king of heaven keeps his 
court. There are those whose office it is to blow in the silver 
trumpets. Unto those our Savior has engaged himself: •Lo, I 
am with you always.' Will health and wealth and rest among 
a people make a blessed people? 'Tis commonly thought so. 
But what will God have among a people ? Oh, blessed that peo- 
ple whose god is the Lord, and who have a gracious preference 
of God among them. Even such are the people who know the 
joyful sound! Where the Gospel, with the ordinances of it are 
well settled, maintained, respected, and the silver trumpets well 
sounded among a people, it may be said, as in Numbers zxiii. 21: 
*The Lord their God is with them, and the shout of a king is 
among them.* In one word the ordinances of the Gospel furnish 
us with opportunities for communion with God. • In them I will 
commune with you,* saith the Lord. We may herein draw near 
to God, God will herein draw near to us. The voice of the sil- 
ver trumpets is, draw near to Grod, and he will draw near to you! 
Can any blessedness be more glorious ? 

But more particularly, first, in the joyful sound, we have the 
guide to blessedness. The silver trumpets put us into the way, 
unto the •rest that remaineth for the people of God.* We are 
ignorant of the way to blessedness; and the way of peace we 
have not known. But where the trumpets of the Gospel sotmd, 
there is a fulfillment of that word: * Thine ears shall hear a 
word behind thee, saying: This is the way, walk in it.* They re- 
veal to us what we are to think, what we are to do, what we are 
to wish for; they lead us in the way wherein we should go. 

Second, in the joyful sound we have the cause of blessed- 
ness. The silver trumpets are like the golden pipes in 2^cha- 



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2989 



riah, which convey the golden oil of grace into the souls of men. 
'Tis by them that God fetches men out of the graves, in which 
they lie sinfully and woefully putrefying; and infuses a principle 
of piety into them; and inclines them to the things that are holy, 
and just, and good. That effectual calling which brings men into 
blessedness, 'tis in the trumpets of the Gospel that the spirit of 
God gives it unto his chosen ones; men hear the word of the 
Gospel and believe. 

But let us now make some improvements of these instruc- 
tions. 

I. Blessed the people who know the joyful sound; then 
wretched the people, forlorn the people, undone the people, who 
are strangers to the joyful sound. Oh! the pity that is due unto 
them! 

The Jewish nation have now lost their silver trumpets for 
these many ages. And in their long dispersion how pathetical 
is their cry unto us! Have pity on me, O ye, my friends, have 
pity on me, for the hand of the Lord hath touched me. Yea, 
and how many Protestant Churches have, in our days, had their 
silver trumpets forced from them; and instead thereof heard the 
* enemies roaring in the midst of the congregations*! Yea, how 
many nations are there that never heard the joyful sound! That 
lie buried in Paganizing or in Mohammedan infidelity! And is 
it not a lamentable thing that so near unto ourselves there should 
be so many ungospelized plantations! Our pity for those ought 
certainly to put us upon prayer for them; upon study for them. 
Oh! what shall be done for them who lie in wickedness, and 
have this epitaph upon them: If our Grospel be hid, it is hid xmto 
them that be lost. 

II. Blessed the people who know the joyful sound; then we 
are a blessed people; and at the same time we are to be taught 
how to continue so. My brethren, we have the joyful sound at 
such a rate, that it may almost be said of us as in Deuteronomy: 
•What nation is there who hath God so nigh unto them?* For 
the silver trumpets to be heard sounding as they are in the 
American regions — verily 'tis the Lord's doings, and marvelous 
in our eyes! May we ever account these our precious and our 
pleasant things! 

Oh! how thankful ought we to be unto our God for his Gos- 
pel and the ordinances of it! When the silver trumpets were of 



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29po COTTON MATHER 

old going to sound, the angels of God were heard making those 
acclamations thereupon, ^ Glory to Grod in the highest* And 
shall not we give glory to the most High God on the occasion ? 
O Gospelized people, God hath showed his statutes and his judg- 
ments unto us. Praise ye the Lord. When the trumpets of God 
are sounding, shall not our trumpets be sounding too? His 
trumpets are in his ordinances; our trumpets are in our thanks- 
givings, we are so called upon: •With trumpets make a joyfvd 
noise before the Lord.* 

Such a blessed people should be a thankful people. But, 
verily, our God will not look on us as a thankful people, if we 
are not also a fruitful people. A barren people; oh! what a 
fearful doom are they threatened with! what a fearful fate are 
they warned of! *It is nigh unto cursing.* Sirs, be fruitful in 
every good work; fruitful and always aboimding in the work of 
the Lord. 

In the midst of these cares you will use all due means, that 
you may see no intermission of the joyful sound. You will pro- 
vide seasonably for the succession that shall be needful, by all 
due cares about the means of education in our land, without 
which the land becomes a Scythian desert. But when you make 
this provision, oh! look up to the gracious Lord, that you may 
be blessed with truly silver trumpets; never have any but men 
of worth; such as will be of good metal; and such as in the cause 
of God will always *lift up their voice like a trumpet.* 

But this is that which is most of all to be urged upon you: 
Hearken to the joyful sound. Hearken to it, and comply with 
it. The joyful sound is that: *^Let the wicked forsake his way, 
and return to the Lord, who will have mercy on him.* Hearken 
to it, and with echoes of devotion reply: *^My God, I return unto 
thee! * The joyful sound is that: *^Come to me, all ye that labor 
and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest* Hearken to it, 
and with echoes of devotion reply: *My Savior, I come unto 
thee!* That grace of Grod which bringeth salvation has the joy- 
ful soxmd of the silver trumpet in it. Now, your echoes to the 
trumpet must be these: Lord, I desire, I resolve to lead a godly, 
a sober, a righteous life before thee! 

My friends, the last trumpet that is to sound at the appear- 
ance of the glorious Lord, who is to judge the world, will ere 
long summon you to give an account of your compliance with the 



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COTTON MATHER 299 1 

silver trumpets of God. You that now hear the joyful sound 
of these trumpets must ere long hear the awful sound of that 
amazing trumpet. A loud and a shrill trumpet will sound: 
•Arise, ye dead, and come to judgment!'^ Oh! may our com- 
pliance with the joyful sound of the silver trumpets now be 
such that we may find mercy in that day. So comply with it 
now that the joyful sound of a *Come, ye blessed,'* may be heard 
by you in the day when * the times of refreshing shall come from 
the presence of the Lord.^ 



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299^ 




GIUSEPPE MAZZINI 

(1805-1872) 

^AZZiNi's fame as an orator can safely rest on his address in 
memory of the martyrs of Cosenza, delivered at Milan in 
1848. «We are here below,* he says, *to labor fraternally^ 
to build np the unity of the human family so that the day may come 
when it shall represent a single sheepfold with a single shepherd, — 
the spirit of God, the law. To aid our search after truth, God has 
given us tradition and the voice of our own conscience. Wherever 
they are opposed is error. To attain harmony and consistence be- 
tween the conscience of the individual and the conscience of human- 
ity, no sacrifice is too great The family, the city, the fatherland, and 
humanity are but different spheres in which to exercise our activity 
and our power of sacrifice towards this great aim. God watches from 
above the inevitable progress of humanity, and from time to time he 
raises up the great in genius, in love, in thought, or in action, as 
priests of his truth and gfuides to the multitude on their way.* 

Mazzini fully illustrated the sublimity of this idea in his life. 
From his birth in 1805 to his death in 1872, Italy and Europe were 
moved by the same idea which controlled him and made him one of 
the great forces of the century, — the idea *of the inevitable pro- 
gress of humanity.* Soon after his graduation from the University of 
Genoa in 1826, he joined the Carbonari, and in 1832 founded ^ Young 
Italy,* a revolutionary society whose object was to unify Italy under 
a Republic. Obliged to live in exile for many years, he returned to 
Italy in 1848 and headed the revolutionary movement which inaugu- 
rated the •Republic of Rome.* After its overthrow in 1849, he again 
went into exile, and during the next ten years worked incessantly to 
unify Italy. No doubt he did more than any one else to make this 
unification possible, but he was greatly disappointed that it came 
under a monarchy instead of a Republic, and rather than take the 
oath of allegiance to Victor Emmanuel he remained in exile. In 1870 
he took part in the insurrection at Palermo and was among the num- 
ber of those captured by the Grovemment and released under a gen- 
eral amnesty. His essays and prose writings have been collected in 
several volumes. Most of them illustrate the same lofty style and 
are animated by the same sublime spirit he shows in the address, 
<To the Young Men of Italy. > 



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GIUSEPPE MAZZINI 2993 



TO THE YOUNG MEN OF ITALY 
(Delivered at Milan in Memory of the Martyrs of Cosenza, July asth, 1848) 

WHEN I was commissioned by you, young men, to proffer in 
this temple a few words sacred to the memory of the 
brothers Bandiera and their fellow-nwuiyrs at Cosenza, I 
thought that some of those who heard me might exclaim with 
noble indignation: ^Wherefore lament over the dead? The mar- 
tyrs of liberty are only worthily honored by winning the battle 
they have begun; Cosenza, the land where they fell, is enslaved; 
Venice, the city of their birth, is begirt by foreign foes. Let us 
emancipate them, and until that moment let no words pass our 
lips save words of war.* 

But another thought arose: «Why have we not conquered? 
Why is it that, while we are fighting for independence in the 
north of Italy, liberty is perishing in the south? Why is it 
that a war, which should have sprung to the Alps with the 
bound of a lion, has dragged itself along for four months, with 
the slow uncertain motion of the scorpion surrounded by a circle 
of fire ? How has the rapid and powerful intuition of a people 
newly arisen to life been converted into the weary helpless 
effort of the sick man turning from side to side ? Ah ! had we 
all arisen in the sanctity of the idea for which our martyrs died; 
had the holy standard of their faith preceded our youth to bat- 
tle; had we reached that unity of life which was in them so 
powerful, and made of our every action a thought, and of our 
every thought an action; had we devoutly gathered up their last 
words in our hearts, and learned from them that Liberty and 
Independence are one, that God and the People, the Fatherland 
and Humanity, are the two inseparable terms of the device of 
every people striving to become a nation; that Italy can have no 
true life till she be One, holy in the equality and love of all her 
children, great in the worship of eternal truth, and consecrated 
to a lofty mission, a moral priesthood among the peoples of Eu- 
rope, — we should now have had, not war, but victory; Cosenza 
would not be compelled to venerate the memory of her martyrs 
in secret, nor Venice be restrained from honoring them with a 
monument; and we, gathered here together, might gladly invoke 
their sacred names, without uncertainty as to our future destiny, 
or a cloud of sadness on our brows, and say to those precursor 
vm— 188 



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2^p^ GIUSEPPE MAZZINI 

souls: •Rejoice! for your spirit is incarnate in your brethren, and 
they are worthy of you.'* 

The idea which they worshiped, young men, does not as yet 
shine forth in its full purity and integrity upon your banner. 
The sublime program which they, dying, bequeathed to the ris- 
ing Italian generation, is yours; but mutilated, broken up into 
fragments by the false doctrines, which, elsewhere overthrown, 
have taken refuge amongst us. I look around, and I see the 
struggles of desperate populations, an alternation of generous rage 
and of unworthy repose; of shouts for freedom and of formulae of 
servitude, throughout all parts of our Peninsula; but the soul of 
the country, where is it? What unity is there in this unequal 
and manifold movement — where is the Word that should domi- 
nate the hundred diverse and opposing counsels which mislead 
or seduce the multitude ? I hear phrases usurping the national 
omnipotence — *The Italy of the North — the league of the States 
— Federative compacts between Princes,'* but Italy, where is it? 
Where is the common country, the country which the Bandiera 
hailed as thrice Initiatrix of a new era of European civiliza- 
tion? 

Intoxicated with our first victories, improvident for the future, 
we forgot the idea revealed by God to those who suffered; and 
God has punished our forgetfulness by deferring our triumph. 
The Italian movement, my countrymen, is, by decree of Provi- 
dence, that of Europe. We arise to give a pledge of moral pro- 
gress to the European world. But neither political fictions, nor 
dynastic aggrandizements, nor theories of expediency, can trans- 
form or renovate the life of the peoples. Humanity lives and 
moves through faith; great principles are the guiding stars that 
lead Europe towards the future. Let us turn to the graves of 
our martyrs, and ask inspiration of those who died for us all, 
and we shall find the secret of victory in the adoration of a faith. 
The angel of martyrdom and the angel of victory are brothers; 
but the one looks up to heaven, and the other looks down to 
earth; and it is when, from epoch to epoch, their glance meets 
between earth and heaven, that creation is embellished with a 
new life, and a people arises from the cradle or the tomb, evan- 
gelist or prophet. 

I will sum up for you in a few words this faith of our mar- 
tyrs; their external life is known to you all; it is now a matter 
of history, and I need not recall it to you. 



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GIUSEPPE MAZZINI 2995 

The faith of the brothers Bandiera, which was and is our 
own, was based upon a few simple uncontrovertible truths, which 
few, indeed, venture to declare false, but which are nevertheless 
forgotten or betrayed by most: — 

God and the People. 

God at the summit of the social edifice; the people, the uni- 
versality of our brethren, at the base. God, the Father and Ed- 
ucator; the people, the progressive interpreter of his law. 

No true society can exist without a common belief and a com- 
mon aim. Religion declares the belief and the aim. Politics reg- 
ulate society in the practical realization of that belief, and prepare 
the means of attaining that aim. Religion represents the princi- 
ple, politics the application. There is but one sun in heaven for 
all the earth. There is one law for all those who people the 
earth. It is alike the law of the human being and of collective 
humanity. We are placed here below, not for the capricious exer- 
cise of our own individual faculties, — our faculties and liberty are 
the means, not the end, — not to work out our own happiness upon 
earth; happiness can only be reached elsewhere, and there God 
works for us; but to consecrate our existence to the discovery of 
a portion of the Divine law; to practice it as far as our individ- 
ual circumstances and powers allow, and to diffuse the knowledge 
and love of it among our brethren. 

We are here below to labor fraternally to build up the unity 
of the human family, so that the day may come when it shall 
represent a single sheepfold with a single shepherd, — the spirit of 
God, the Law. 

To aid our search after truth, God has given to us tradition 
and the voice of our own conscience. Wherever they are opposed, 
is error. To attain harmony and consistence between the con- 
science of the individual and the conscience of humanity, no 
sacrifice is too great The family, the city, the fatherland, and 
humanity are but different spheres in which to exercise our ac- 
tivity and our power of sacrifice towards this great aim. God 
watches from above the inevitable progress of humanity, and 
from time to time he raises up the great in genius, in love, in 
thought, or in action, as priests of his truth, and guides to the 
multitude on their way. 

These principles, — indicated in their letters, in their procla- 
mations, and in their conversation, — with a profound sense of 
the mission intrusted by God to the individual and to humanity, 



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GIUSEPPE MAZZINI 



were to Attilio and Emilio Bandiera, and their fellow- martyrs, 
the guide and comfort of a weary life; and, when men and cir- 
cumstances had alike betrayed them, these principles sustained 
them in death, in religious serenity and calm certainty of the 
realization of their immortal hopes for the future of Italy. The 
immense energy of their souls arose from the intense love which 
informed their faith. And could they now arise from the grave 
and speak to you, they would, believe me, address you, though 
with a power very different from that which is given to me, in 
counsel not unlike this which I now offer to you. 

Love! love is the flight of the soul towards God; towards the 
great, the sublime, and the beautiful, which are the shadow of 
God upon earth. Love your family, the partner of your life, 
those around you ready to share your joys and sorrows; love the 
dead who were dear to you and to whom you were dear. But 
let your love be the love taught you by Dante and by us, — the 
love of souls that aspire together; do not gfrovel on the earth in 
search of a felicity which it is not the destiny of the creature to 
reach here below; do not yield to a delusion which inevitably 
would degrade you into egotism. To love is to give and take a 
promise for the future. Grod has given us love, that the weary 
soul may give and receive support upon the way of life. It is a 
flower springing up on the path of duty; but it cannot change 
its course. Purify, strengthen, and improve yourselves by loving. 
Act always, — even at the price of increasing her earthly trials, — 
so that the sister soul united to your own may never need, here 
or elsewhere, to blush through you or for you. The time will 
come when, from the height of a new life, embracing the whole 
past and comprehending its secret, you will smile together at the 
sorrows you have endured, the trials you have overcome. 

Love your country. Your country is the land where your 
parents sleep, where is spoken that language in which the chosen 
of your heart blushing whispered the first word of love; it is the 
home that God has given you, that by striving to perfect your- 
selves therein, you may prepare to ascend to him. It is your name, 
your glory, your sign among the people. Give to it your thoughts, 
your counsels, your blood. Raise it up, gfreat and beautiful as it was 
foretold by cur great men, and see that you leave it uncontami- 
nated by any trace of falsehood or of servitude; unprofaned by 
dismemberment. Let it be one, as the thought of God. You are 
twenty-five millions of men, endowed with active, splendid facul- 



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GIUSEPPE MAZZINl 2997 

ties; possessing a tradition of glory the envy of the nations of 
Europe. An immense future is before you; you lift your eyes to 
the loveliest heaven, and around you smiles the loveliest land in 
Europe; you are encircled by the Alps and the sea, boundaries 
traced out by the finger of God for a people of giants — you are 
bound to be such, or nothing. Let not a man of that twenty-five 
millions remain excluded from the fraternal bond destined to 
join you together; let not a glance be raised to that heaven 
which is not the glance of a free man. Let Rome be the ark of 
your redemption, the temple of your nation. Has she not twice 
been the temple of the destinies of Europe? In Rome two ex- 
tinct worlds, the Pagan and the Papal, are superposed like the 
double jewels of a diadem; draw from these a third world greater 
than the two. From Rome, the holy city, the city of love (Amor) 
the purest and wisest among you, elected by the vote and forti- 
fied by the inspiration of a whole people, shall dictate the Pact 
that shall make us one, and represent us in the future alliance of 
the peoples. Until then you will either have no country, or have 
her contaminated and profaned. 

Love humanity. You can only ascertain your own mission 
from the aim set by God before humanity at large. God has 
given you your country as cradle, and humanity as mother; you 
cannot rightly love your brethren of the cradle if you love not 
the common mother. Beyond the Alps, beyond the sea, are 
other peoples now fighting or preparing to fight the holy fight 
of independence, of nationality, of liberty; other peoples striving 
by diflEerent routes to reach the same goal, — improvement, asso- 
ciation, and the foundation of an authority which shall put an 
end to moral anarchy and re-link earth to heaven; an authority 
which mankind may love and obey without remorse or shame. 
Unite with them; they will unite with you. Do not invoke their 
aid where your single arm will suffice to conquer; but say to 
them that the hour will shortly sound for a terrible struggle be- 
tween right and blind force, and that in that hour you will ever 
be found with those who have raised the same banner as your- 
selves. 

And love, young men, love and venerate the ideal. The ideal 
is the word of Grod. High above every country, high above hu- 
manity, is the country of the spirit, the city of the soul, in which 
all are brethren who believe in the inviolability of thought and 
in the dignity of our immortal soul; and the baptism of this 



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3998 



GIUSEPPE MAZZINi 



fraternity is martyrdom. From that high sphere spring the prin- 
ciples which alone can redeem the peoples. Arise for the sake 
of these, and not from impatience of suflEering or dread of evil. 
Anger, pride, ambition, and the desire of material prosperity, 
are arms common alike to the peoples and their oppressors, and 
even should you conquer with these to-day, you would fall again 
to-morrow; but principles belong to the peoples alone, and their 
oppressors can find no arms to oppose them. Adore enthusiasm, 
the dreams of the virgin soul, and the visions of early youths 
for they are a perfume of paradise which the soul retains in 
issuing from the hands of its Creator. Respect above all things 
your conscience; have upon your lips the truth implanted by 
God in your hearts, and, while laboring in harmony, even with 
those who differ from you, in all that tends to the emancipation 
of our soil, yet ever bear your own banner erect and boldly 
promulgate your own faith. 

Such words, young men, would the martyrs of Cosenza have 
spoken, had they been living amongst you; and here, where it 
may be that, invoked by our love, their holy spirits hover near 
us, I call upon you to gather them up in your hearts and to 
make of them a treasure amid the storms that yet threaten you; 
storms which, with the name of our martyrs on your lips and 
their faith in your hearts, you will overcome. 

God be with you, and bless Italy! 



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3999 






THOMAS FRANCIS MEAGHER 

(1823-1867) 

|homas Francis Meagher was bom at Waterford, Ireland, Au- 
gust 3d, 1823. After making an enduring reputation as an 
orator in the cause of Irish independence, he was arrested 
in 1848 by the English Government and sent as a convict to Van 
Diemen's Land Quly 1849). Escaping in 1852, he settled in New 
York city where he practiced law until 1861, when he organized the 
Irish brigade for the Federal army. He was made Brigadier-General 
and fought in many of the severest battles of the war, among others 
those of the Second Bull Run. Fredericksburg, and Chancellorsville. 
In 1866 he was made Governor of Montana, where he died July ist. 
1867. 

THE WITHERING INFLUENCE OF PROVINCIAL SUBJECTION 
(Delivered at Conciliation Hall, Dublin, July 28th, 1846) 
My Lord Mayor : — 

1WILL commence as Mr. Mitchell concluded, with an allusion to 
the Whigs. I fully concur with my friend that the most 
comprehensive measures which the Whig minister may pro- 
pose will fail to lift this country up to that position which she 
has the right to occupy and the povoer to maintain. A Whig 
minister, I admit, may improve the province — he will not restore 
the nation. Franchises, tenant compensation bills, liberal appoint- 
ments may ameliorate, they will not exalt; they may meet the 
necessities, they will not c^ill forth the abilities of the country. 
The errors of the past may be repaired, — the hopes of the fu- 
ture will not be fulfilled. With a vote in one pocket, a lease in 
the other, and *full justice* before him at the petty sessions, in 
the shape of a * restored magistrate,* the humblest peasant may 
be told tTiat he is free; trust me, my lord, he will not have the 
character of a freeman, his spirit to dare, his energy to act. 
From the stateliest mansion down to the poorest cottage in the 
land, the inactivity, the meanness, the debasement, which pro- 
vincialism engenders, will be perceptible. 



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3000 THOMAS FRANCIS MEAGHER 

These are not the crude sentiments of youth, though the 
mere commercial politician who has deduced his ideas of self- 
government from the table of imports and exports may satirize 
them as such. Age has uttered them, my lord, and the expe- 
rience of eight years has preached them to the people. 

A few weeks since, and there stood up in the court of Queen's 
Bench an old and venerable man to teach the country the lessons 
he had learned in his youth, beneath the portico of the Irish 
Senate House, and which during a long life he had treasured in 
his heart as the costliest legacy a true citizen could bequeath to 
the land that gave him birth. 

What said this aged orator? 

^National independence does not necessarily lead to national vir- 
tue and happiness; but reason and experience demonstrate that public 
spirit and general happiness are looked for in vain under the wither- 
ing influence of provincial subjection. The very consciousness of 
being dependent on another power for advancement in the scale of 
national being weighs down the spirit of a people, manacles the 
efforts of genius, depresses the energies of virtue, blunts the sense 
of common glory and common good, and produces an insulated self- 
ishness of character, the surest mark of debasement in the individual, 
and mortality in the State.* 

My lord, it was once said by an eminent citizen of Rome, the 
elder Pliny, that *''we owe our youth and manhood to our coun- 
try, but our declining age to ourselves.* This may have been 
the maxim of the Roman, — it is not the maxim of the Irish 
patriot. One might have thought that the anxieties, the labors, 
the vicissitudes of a long career had dimmed the fire which 
burned in the heart of the illustrious Roman whose words I 
have cited; but now, almost from the shadow of death, he comes 
forth with the vigor of youth and the authority of age, to serve 
the country in the defense of which he once bore arms, by an 
example, my lord, that must shame the coward, rouse the slug- 
gard, and stimulate the bold. These sentiments have sunk deep 
into the public mind; they are recited as the national creed. 
Whilst these sentiments inspire the people, I have no fear for the 
national cause. I do not dread the venal influence of the Whigs. 

Inspired by such sentiments, the people of this country will 
look beyond the mere redress of existing wrong and strive for 
the attainment of future power. 



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THOMAS FRANCIS MEAGHER 3001 

A good government may, indeed, redress the grievances of an 
injured people, but a strong people alone can build up a great 
nation. To be strong, a people must be self-reliant, self -ruled, 
self-sustained. The dependence of one people upon another, even 
for the benefits of legislation, is the deepest source of national 
weakness. By an unnatural law, it exempts a people from their 
just duties — their just responsibilities. When you exempt a peo- 
ple from these duties, from these responsibilities, you generate in 
them a distrust in their own powers. Thus you enervate, if you 
do not utterly destroy that spirit which a sense of these responsi- 
bilities is sure to inspire, and which the fulfillment of these du- 
ties never fails to invigorate. Where this spirit does not actuate, 
the country may be tranquil, — it will not be prosperous. It may 
exist, it will not thrive. It may hold together, it will not ad- 
vance. Peace it may enjoy, — for peace and freedom are com- 
patible. But, my lord, it will neither accumulate wealth nor win 
a character; it will neither benefit mankind by the enterprise of 
its merchants, nor instruct mankind by the example of its states- 
men. 

I make these observations, for it is the custom of some mod- 
erate politicians to say that when the Whigs have accomplished 
the ^ pacification * of the country, there will be little or no neces- 
sity for repeal. My lord, there is something else, there is every- 
thing else to be done when the work of opacification*^ has been 
accomplished — and here it is hardly necessary to observe that 
the prosperity of a country is perhaps the sole guarantee for its 
tranquillity, and that the more universal the prosperity, the more 
permanent will be the repose. 

But the Whigs will enrich as well as pacify. Grant it, my 
lord. Then do I conceive that the necessity for repeal will aug- 
ment. Great interests demand great safeguards. The prosperity 
of a nation requires due protection of a senate. Hereafter a na- 
tional senate may require the protection of a national army. 

So much for the extraordinary affluence with which we are 
threatened, and which, it is said by gentlemen on the opposite 
shore of the Irish Sea, will crush this Association and bury the 
enthusiasts who clamor for Irish nationality in a sepulchre of 
gold. This prediction, however, is feebly sustained by the min- 
isterial program that has lately appeared. 

On the evening of the i6th, the Whig premier, in answer to 
a question that was put to him by the Member for Finsbury [Mr. 



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3002 THOMAS FRANCIS MBAQHBR 

Duncombe], is reported to have made this consolatory annotince- 
ment: — 

« We consider that the social grievances of Ireland are those which 
are most prominent, and to which it is most likely to be in our 
power to afford, not a complete and immediate remedy, bnt some 
remedy, some kind of improvement, so that some kind of hope may 
be entertained that, some ten or twelve years hence, the country 
will, by the measures we undertake, be in a far better state with re- 
spect to the frightful destitution and misery which now prevail in 
that country. We have that practical object in view.* 

After that most consolatory announcement, my lord, let those 
who have the patience of Job and the poverty of Lazarus con- 
tinue, in good faith, ^to wait on Providence and the Whigs*; 
continue to entertain * some kind of hope,* that if not ^a, complete 
and immediate remedy,* at least *some remedy,* ^ some improve- 
ment,* will place this country ^in a far better state* than it is 
at present, *some ten or twelve years hence.* After that let 
those who prefer the periodical boons of a Whig government to 
that which would be the abiding blessing of an Irish Parliament; 
let those who deny to Ireland what they assert for Poland; let 
those who would inflict, as Henry Grattan said, *an eternal dis- 
ability upon this country,* to which Providence has assigned the 
largest facilities for power; let those who would ratify the •base 
swap,* as Mr. Sheil once stigmatized the Act of Union, and who 
would stamp perfection upon that deed of perfidy, — let such men 

•Plod, led on in sluggish misery. 
Rotten from sire to son, from age to age, 
Proud of their trampled nature.* 

But we, my lord, who are assembled in this hall, and in whose 
hearts the Union has not bred the slave's disease — we who have 
not been imperialized — we are here with the hope to undo that 
work which forty-six years ago dishonored the ancient peerage 
and subjugated the people of ojir country. 

My lord, to assist the people of Ireland to undo that work I 
came to this hall. I came here to repeal the Act of Union — I 
came here for nothing else. Upon every other question I feel 
myself at perfect liberty to differ from each and every one of 
you. Upon questions of finance — questions of a religious char- 
acter — questions of an educational character — questions of mu- 
nicipal policy — questions that may arise from the proceedings of 



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THOMAS FRANCIS MEAGHER 3003 

the legislature — upon all these questions I feel myself at perfect 
liberty to differ from each and every one of you. Yet more, my 
lord; I maintain that it is my right to express my opinion upon 
each of these questions, if necessary. The right of free discussion 
I have here upheld. In the exercise of that right, I have dif- 
fered sometimes from the leader of this Association, and would 
do so again. That right I will not abandon — I shall maintain it 
to the last. 

In doing so, let me not be told that I seek to tmdermine the 
influence of the leader of the Association and am insensible to 
his services. My lord, I am grateful for his services, and will 
uphold his just influence. 

This is the first time I have spoken in these terms of that 
illustrious Irishman in this hall. I did not do so before — I felt 
it was unnecessary. I hate unnecessary praise — I scorn to re- 
ceive it — I scorn ever to bestow it 

No, my lord, I am not ungrateful to the man who struck the 
fetters off my arms, whilst I was yet a child, and by whose influ- 
ence my father — the first Catholic who did so for two hundred 
years — sat for the last two years in the civic chair of an ancient 
city. But, my lord, the same God who gave to that great man 
the power to strike down an odious ascendancy in this country, 
and enabled him to institute in this land the glorious law of 
religious equality — the same God gave to me a mind that is my 
own — a mind that has not been mortgaged to the opinions of 
any man or any set of men— a mind that I was to use and 
not surrender. 

My lord, in the exercise of that right, which I have here en- 
deavored to uphold — a right which this Association should pre- 
serve inviolate, if it desire not to become a despotism — in the 
exercise of that right, I have differed from Mr. O'Connell on 
previous occasions, and differ from him now. I do not agree 
with him in the opinion he entertains of my friend, Charles 
Gavan Duffy — that man whom I am proud, indeed, to call my 
friend, though he is a ^convicted conspirator* and suffered for 
you in Richmond prison. I do not think he is a ^maligner.* I 
do not think he has lost, or deserves to lose, the public favor. 

I have no more connection with the Nation than I have with 
the Times. I therefore feel no delicacy on appearing here this 
day in defense of its principles, with which I avow myself 
identified. 



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3004 THOMAS FRANCIS MEAGHER 

My lord, it is to me a source of true delight and honest pride 
to speak this day in defense of that great journal. I do not fear 
to assume the position; exalted though it be, it is easy to main- 
tain it. The character of that journal is above reproach. The 
ability that sustains it has won a European fame. The genius 
of which it is the oflEspring, the truth of which it is the oracle, 
have been recognized, my lord, by friends and foes. I care not 
how it may be assailed — I care not howsoever great may be the 
talent, howsoever high may be the position, of those who now 
consider it their duty to impeach its writings — I do think it has 
won too splendid a reputation to lose the influence it has ac- 
quired. The people whose enthusiasm has been kindled by the 
impetuous fire of its verse, and whose sentiments have been en- 
nobled by the earnest purity of its teachings, will not ratify the 
censure that has been pronounced upon it in this hall. Truth 
will have its day of triumph as well as its day of trial; and I 
foresee that the fearless patriotism, which, in those pages, has 
braved the prejudices of the day, to enunciate grand truths, will 
triumph in the end. 

My lord, such do I believe to be the character, such do I an- 
ticipate will be the fate of the principles that are now impeached. 

This brings me to what may be called the ^ question of the day.* 

Before I enter upon that question, however, I will allude to 
one observation which fell from the honorable Member for Kil- 
kenny, and which may be said to refer to those who expressed 
an opinion that has been construed into a declaration of war. 

The honorable gentleman said — in reference, I presume, to 
those who dissented from the resolutions of Monday — that those 
who were loudest in their declarations of war were usually the 
most backward in acting up to those declarations. My lord, I do 
not find fault with the honorable gentleman for giving expression 
to a very ordinary saying, but this I will state, that I did not 
volunteer the opinion he condemns — to the declaration of that 
opinion I was forced. You left me no alternative — I should com- 
promise my opinion, or avow it. To be honest, I avowed it. I 
did not do so to brag, as they say; we have had too much of that 
*^ bragging^ in Ireland. I would be the last man to emulate the 
custom. 

Well, I dissented from those peace resolutions, as they are 
called. Why so ? In the first place, my lord, I conceive that 
there was not the least necessity for them. 



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THOMAS FRANCIS MEAGHER 3005 

No member of this Association suggested an appeal to arms. 
No member of this Association advised it. No member of the 
Association would be so infatuated as to do so. In the existing 
circumstances of the country, an excitement to arms would be 
senseless and wicked, because irrational. To talk, in our days, of 
repealing the Act of Union by force of arms would be to rhap- 
sodize. If the attempt were made, it would be a decided failure. 
There might be riot in the street; there would be no revolution 
in the country. 

The secretary will far more eflfectually promote the cause of 
repeal by registering votes in Greene Street than registering fire- 
arms in the head police office. Conciliation Hall, on Burgh Quay, 
is more impregnable than a rebel camp on Vinegar Hill. The 
hustings at Dundalk will be more successfully stormed than the 
magazine in the Park. The Registry club, the reading room, 
the polling booths, these are the only positions in the country we 
can occupy. Voters' certificates, books, pamphlets, newspapers, 
these are the only weapons we can employ. 

Therefore, my lord, I cast my vote in favor of the peaceful 
policy of this Association. It is the only policy we can adopt. 
If that policy be pursued with truth, with courage, with fixed de- 
termination of purpose, I firmly believe it will succeed. 

But, my lord, I dissented from the resolutions before us for 
other reasons. I stated the first; I will now come to the second: 

I dissented from them, for I felt that, by assenting to them, 
I should have pledged myself to the unqualified repudiation of 
physical force, in all countries, at all times, and under every cir- 
cumstance. This I could not do; for, my lord, I do not abhor 
the use of arms in the vindication of national rights. There are 
times when arms will alone suffice, and when political amelio- 
rations call for a drop of blood, and many thousand drops of 
blood. 

Opinion, I admit, will operate against opinion; but, as the hon- 
orable Member for Kilkenny has observed, force must be used 
against force. The soldier is proof against an argument, but he 
is not proof against a bullet. The man that will listen to reason, 
let him be reasoned with. But it is the weaponed arm of the 
patriot that can alone prevail against battalioned despotism. 

Then, my lord, I do not condemn the use of arms as immoral; 
nor do I conceive it profane to say that the King of Heaven — 
the Lord of Hosts — the God of battles — bestows his benediction 



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3oo6 THOMAS FRANCIS MEAGHER 

upon those who unsheathe the sword in the hour of a nation's 
peril. 

From that evening on which in the valley of Bethulia he 
nerved the arm of the Jewish girl to smite the drunken tyrant 
in his tent down to this, our day, on which he has blessed the 
insurgent chivalry of the Belgian priest, his Almighty Hand hath 
ever been stretched forth from his throne of light to consecrate 
the flag of freedom — to bless the patriot's sword. Be it in the 
defense, or be it in the assertion of a people's liberty, I hail the 
sword as a sacred weapon; and if, my lord, it has sometimes 
taken the shape of the serpent and reddened the shroud of the 
oppressor with too deep a dye, like the anointed rod of the high 
priest, it has at other times, and as often, blossomed into celes- 
tial flowers to deck the freeman's brow. 

Abhor the sword — stigmatize the sword! No, my lord, for in 
the passes of the T3nx>l it cut to pieces the banner of the Bava- 
rians, and through those cragged passes struck a path to fame for 
the peasant insurrectionists of Innspruck. 

Abhor the sword — stigmatize the sword! No, my lord, for at 
its blow a grand nation started from the waters of the Atlantic; 
and by its redeeming magic, and in the quivering of its crimson 
light, the crippled colony sprang into the attitude of a proud re- 
public, — prosperous, limitless, and invincible. 

Abhor the sword — stigmatize the sword! No, my lord, for it 
swept the Dutch marauders out of the fine old towns of Belgium 
— scourged them back to their own phlegmatic swamps — and 
knocked their flag and sceptre, their laws and bayonets^ into the 
sluggish waters of the Scheldt. 

My lord, I learned that it was the right of a nation to govern 
herself, not in this hall, but upon the ramparts of Antwerp. 
This, the first article of a nation's creed, I learned upon those 
ramparts, where freedom was justly estimated, and the possession 
of the precious gift was purchased by the effusion of generous 
blood. 



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3007 




PHILIP MELANCHTHON 

(1497-1560) 

|hilip Melanchthon, whose name is so inseparably connected 
with that of Luther in the history of the agitation which 
led to the Reformation, was bom at Bretten, Germany, 
February i6th, 1497. His father was an armorer whose patronymic 
of ^Schwarzerd.* or * black earth,* was translated into Greek as 
•Melanchthon* by Reuchlin, in the house of whose sister young 
Schwarzerd lived when attending the Academy at Pfortzheim. After 
completing his University course at Tubingen, Melanchthon became 
Professor of Greek in the University of Wittenberg, where he took 
the lead in the revival of classical learning. After assisting Luther 
in the translation of the Bible, he was drawn with him into the the- 
ological controversy which convulsed Europe. He died on the nine- 
teenth of April, 1560, and was buried at Luther's side. 



THE SAFETY OF THE VIRTUOUS 

(A Sermon on the Text: <>< Neither shall any pluck them oat of my hand,* 
John X. 28, Delivered in 1550) 

TO THEE almighty and true God, eternal Father of our Lord 
Jesus Christ, maker of heaven and earth, and of all creat- 
ures, together with thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ, and the 
Holy Ghost — to thee, the wise, good, true, righteous, compassion- 
ate, pure, gracious God we render thanks that thou hast hitherto 
upheld the Church in these lands, and graciously afforded it pro- 
tection and care, and we earnestly beseech thee evermore to 
gather among us an inheritance for thy son, which may praise 
thee to all eternity. 

I have in these our assemblies often uttered partly admoni- 
tions and partly reproofs, which I hope the most of you will" 
bear in mind. But since I must presume that now the hearts of 
all are wrung with a new grief and a new pang by reason of 
the war in our neighborhood, this season seems to call for a word 



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3oo8 



PHILIP MBLANCHTHON 



of consolation. And as we commonly say, * Where the pain is, 
there one claps his hand,* I could not in this so great affliction 
make up my mind to turn my discourse upon any other subject. 
I do not, indeed, doubt that you yourselves seek comfort in the 
divine declarations, yet will I also bring before you some things 
collected therefrom, because always that on which we had our- 
selves thought becomes more precious to us when we hear that 
it proves itself salutary also to others. And because long dis- 
courses are burdensome in time of sorrow and mourning, I will 
without delay bring forward that comfort which is the most ef- 
fectual. 

Our pains are best assuaged when something good and bene- 
fidial, especially some help toward a happy issue, presents itself. 
All other topics of consolation, such as men borrow from the un- 
avoidableness of suffering, and the examples of others, bring us 
no great alleviation. But the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ, 
who was crucified for us and raised again, and now sits at the 
right hand of the Father, offers us help and deliverance, and has 
manifested this disposition in many declarations. I will now speak 
of the words: *No man shall pluck my sheep out of my hands.* 
This expression has often raised me up out of the deepest sor- 
row, and drawn me, as it were, out of hell. 

The wisest men in all times have bewailed the great amount 
of human misery which we see with our eyes before we pass into 
eternity — diseases, death, want, our own errors by which we 
bring harm and punishment on ourselves, hostile men, unfaithful- 
ness on the part of those with whom we are closely connected, ban- 
ishment, abuse, desertion, miserable children, public and domestic 
strife, wars, murder, and devastation. And since such things ap- 
pear to befall good and bad, without distinction, many wise men 
have inquired whether there were any Providence, or whether 
accident brings everything to pass independently of a Divine 
purpose. But we in the Church know that the first and princi- 
pal cause of human woe is this, that on account of sin man is 
made subject to death and other calamity^ which is so much 
more vehement in the Church, because the devil, from hatred 
toward Grod, makes fearful assaults on the Church and strives to 
destroy it utterly. Therefore it is written: *I will put enmity 
between the serpent and the seed of the woman.* And Peter 
says: * Your adversary, the devil, goeth about as a roaring lion 
and seeketh whom he may devour.* 



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PHILIP MBLANCHTHON 3009 

Not in vain, however, has God made known to us the causes 
of our misery. We should not only consider the greatness of our 
necessity, but also discern the causes of it, and recognize his 
righteous anger against sin, to the end that we may, on the other 
hand, perceive the Redeemer and the greatness of his compas- 
sion; and as witnesses to these his declarations, he adds the rais- 
ing of dead men to life, and other miracles. 

Let us banish from our hearts, therefore, the unbelieving 
opinions which imagine that evils befall us by mere chance, or 
from physical causes. 

But when thou considerest the wounds in thy own circle of 
relations, or dost cast a glance at the public disorders in the 
State, which again afllict the individual also (as Solon says: *The 
general corruption penetrates even to thy quiet habitation*), 
then think, first, of thy own and others' sins, and of the righteous 
wrath of God; and, secondly, weigh the rage of the devil, who 
lets loose his hate chiefly in the Church. 

In all men, even the better class, great darkness reigns. We 
see not how great an evil sin is, and regard not ourselves as so 
shamefully defiled. We flatter ourselves, in particular, because 
we profess a better doctrine concerning God. Nevertheless, we 
resign ourselves to a careless slumber, or pamper each one his 
own desires; our impurity, the disorders of the Church, the neces- 
sity of brethren, fills us not with pain; devotion is without fire 
and fervor; zeal for doctrine and discipline languishes, and not a 
few are my sins, and thine, and those of many others, by reason 
of which such punishments are heaped upon us. 

Let us, therefore, apply our hearts to repentance, and direct 
our eyes to the son of God, in respect to whom we have the as- 
surance that, after the wonderful counsel of God, he is placed 
over the family of man, to be the protector and preserver of his 
Church. 

We perceive not fully either our wretchedness or our dangers, 
or the fury of enemies, until after events of extraordinary sor- 
rowfulness. Still we ought to reflect thus: there must exist 
great need and a fearful might and rage of enemies, since so 
powerful a protector has been given to us, even God's Son. 
When he says: * No man shall pluck my sheep out of my hand,* 
he indicates that he is no idle spectator of our woe, but that 
mighty and incessant strife is going on. The devil incites his 
tools to disturb the Church or the political commonwealth, that 
VIII — 189 



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30I0 PHILIP MELANCHTHON 

boundless confusion may enter, followed by heathenish desola- 
tion. But the son of God, who holds in his hands, as it were, 
the congregation of those who call upon his name, hurls back the 
devils by his infinite power, conquers and chases them thence, 
and will one day shut them up in the prison of hell, and punish 
them to all eternity with fearful pains. This comfort we must 
hold fast in regard to the entire Church, as well as each in 
regard to himself. 

If, in these distracted and warring times, we see States blaze 
up and fall into ruin, then look away to the son of God, who 
stands in the secret counsel of the Godhead, and guards his little 
flock, and carries the weak lambs, as it were, in his own hands. 
Be persuaded that by him thou also shalt be protected and 
upheld. 

Here some, not rightly instructed, will exclaim: * Truly I 
could wish to commend myself to such a keeper, but only his 
sheep does he preserve. Whether I also am counted in that 
flock, I know not.* Against this doubt we must most strenu- 
ously contend, for the Lord himself assures us in this very 
passage, that all who *hear and with faith receive the voice of 
the Gospel are his sheep *^; and he says expressly: *If a man 
love me, he will keep my words, and my Father will love him, 
and we will come to him and make our abode with him.* These 
promises of the Son of Grod, which cannot be shaken, we must 
confidently appropriate to ourselves. Nor shouldst thou, by thy 
doubts, exclude thyself from this blessed flock, which originates 
in the righteousness of the Gospel. They do not rightly distin- 
guish between the law and the Gospel, who, because they are 
unworthy, reckon not themselves among the sheep. Rather is 
this consolation afforded us, that we are accepted *for the son of 
God's sake,* truly, without merit, not on account of our own 
righteousness, but through faith, because we are unworthy, and 
impure, and far from having fulfilled the law of God. That is, 
moreover, a universal promise, in which the Son of God saith: 
*Come unto me, all ye that labor and are heavy laden, and I 
will give you rest.* 

The Eternal Father earnestly commands that we should hear 
the Son, and it is the greatest of all transgressions if we despise 
him and do not approve his voice. This is what every one 
should often and diligently consider, and in this disposition of the 
Father, revealed through the Son, find grace. 



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PHILIP MELANCHTHON 



301 1 



Although, amid so great disturbances, many a sorrowful spec- 
tacle meets thine eye, and the Church is rent by discord and hate, 
and manifold and domestic public necessity is added thereto, still 
let not despair overcome thee, but know thou that thou hast the 
Son of Grod for a keei)er and protector, who will not suffer either 
the Church, or thee, or thy family, to be plucked out of his hand 
by the fury of the devil. 

With all my heart, therefore, do I supplicate the Son of God, 
our Lord Jesus Christ, who having been crucified for us, and 
raised again, sits at the right hand of the Father, to bless men 
with his gifts, and to him I pray that he would protect and gov- 
ern this little Church and me therein. Other sure trust, in this 
great flame when the whole world is on fire, I discern nowhere. 
Each one has his separate hopes, and each one with his under- 
standing seeks repose in something else; but however good that 
may all be, it is still a far better, and unquestionably a more 
effectual, consolation to flee to the Son of God and expect help 
and deliverance from him. 

Such wishes will not be in vain. For to this end are we 
laden with such a crowd of dangers, that in events and occur- 
rences which to human prudence are an inexplicable enigma, we 
may recognize the infinite goodness and presentness of God, in 
that he, for his Son's sake, and through his Son, affords us aid. 
God will be owned in such deliverance just as in the deliverance 
of your first parents, who, after the fall, when they were forsaken 
by all creatures, were upheld by the help of God alone. So was 
the family of Noah in the flood, so were the Israelites preserved 
when in the Red Sea they stood between the towering walls of 
waters. These glorious examples are held up before us, that we 
might know, in like manner, the Church, without the help of any 
created beings, is often preserved. Many in all times have ex- 
perienced such Divine deliverance and support in their personal 
dangers, as David saith: *My father and my mother have for- 
saken me, but the Lord taketh me up,* and in another place 
David saith: *He hath delivered the wretched who hath no 
helper.*^ But in order that we may become partakers of these 
so great blessings, faith and devotion must be kindled within 
us, as it stands written: * Verily, I say unto you!* So likewise 
must our faith be exercised, that before deliverance we should 
pray for help and wait for it, resting in God with a certain 
cheerfulness of soul; and that we should not cherish continual 



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30I3 PHILIP MELANCHTHON 

doubt and melancholy murmuring in our hearts, but constantly 
set before our eyes the admonition of God: *The peace of God 
which is higher than all imderstanding keep your heart and 
mind*; which is to say, Be so comforted in God, in time of 
danger, that your hearts, having been strengthened by confidence 
in the pity and presentness of God, may patiently wait for help 
and deliverance, and quietly maintain that peaceful serenity which 
is the beginning of eternal life, and without which there can be 
no true devotion. 

For distrust and doubt produce a gloomy and terrible hate 
toward God, and that is the beginning of the eternal torments, 
and a rage like that of the devil. 

Now you must guard against these billows in the soul, and 
these stormy agitations, and, by meditation on the precious prom- 
ises of God, keep and establish your hearts. 

Truly these times allow not the wonted security and the 
wonted intoxication of the world, but they demand that with 
honest groans we should cry for help, as the Lord saith, ^ Watch 
and pray that ye fall not into temptation,* that ye may not, 
being overcome by despair, plunge into everlasting destruction. 
There is need of wisdom to discern the dangers of the soul, as 
well as the safeguard against them. Souls go to ruin as well 
when, in epicurean security, they make light of the wrath of 
God, as when they are overcome by doubt and cast down by 
anxious sorrow, and these transgressions aggravate the punish- 
ment. The godly, on the other hand, who by faith and devotion 
keep their hearts erect and near to God, enjoy the beginning of 
eternal life and obtain mitigation of the general distress. 

We, therefore, implore thee. Son of God, Lord Jesus Christ, 
who having been crucified and raised for us, standest in the 
secret counsel of the Godhead, and makest intercession for us, 
and hast said: *Come unto me, all ye that labor and are heavy 
laden, and I will give you rest.* I call upon thee, and with my 
whole heart beseech thee, according to thine infinite compassion, 
forgive us our sins. Thou knowest that in our great weakness we 
are not able to bear the burden of our woe. Do thou, therefore, 
afford us aid in our private and public necessities; be thou our 
shade and protector, uphold the churches in these lands, and all 
which serves for their defense and watch-care. 



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30I3 




HUGH MILLER 

(1802-1856) 

|uGH Miller's lectures and addresses on Geology are inspired 
by the highest scientific imagination, and they abound in 
passages of such striking eloquence as this which concludes 
*The Pledge Science Gives to Hope^: — •In looking along the long line 
of being, — ever rising in the scale from higher to yet higher mani- 
festations, or abroad on the lower animals whom instinct never de- 
ceives, — can we hold that man, immeasurably higher in his place, and 
infinitely higher in his hopes and aspirations, than all that ever went 
before him, should be, notwithstanding the one grand error in crear 
tion, — the one painful worker in the midst of present trouble for a 
state into which he is never to enter, — the befooled expectant of a 
happy future which he is never to see? Assuredly no. He who 
keeps faith with all his humbler creatures, — who gives to even the 
bee and the dormouse the winter for which they prepare, — will to a 
certainty not break faith with man.^ Miller was bom at Cromarty, 
Scotland, October loth, 1802, in the humblest circumstances. Begin- 
ning life as a stone mason, he educated himself by study and research 
until he became one of the most celebrated geologists of his time. 
His works, ^The Old Red Sandstone, > <The Footprints of the Crear 
tor,* <The Testimony of the Rocks, > etc., will always remain among 
the classics of science. He committed suicide, during a fit of insanity, 
December 2d, 1856. 



THE PLEDGE SCIENCE GIVES TO HOPE 
(From an Address Delivered at Edinburgh) 

NEVER yet on Egyptian obelisk or Ass3rrian frieze, — where 
long lines of figures seem stalking across the granite, each 
charged with symbol and mystery, — have our Lrayards or 
Rawlinsons seen aught so extraordinary as that long procession 
of being which, starting out of the blank depths of the bygone 
eternity, is still defiling across the stage, and of which we our- 
selves form some of the passing figures. Who shall declare the 



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30I4 HUGH MILLER 

profound meanings with which these geologic hieroglyphics are 
charged, or indicate the ultimate goal at which the long pro- 
cession is destined to arrive? 

The readings already given, the conclusions already deduced, 
are as various as the hopes and fears, the habits of thought, and 
the cast of intellect, of the several interpreters who have set 
themselves — some, alas! with but little preparation and very im- 
perfect knowledge — to declare in their order the details of this 
marvelous, dream-like vision, and, with the dream, *the inter- 
pretation thereof.* One class of interpreters may well remind us 
of the dim-eyed old man, — the genius of unbelief so poetically 
described by Coleridge, — who, sitting in his cold and dreary cave, 
* talked much and vehemently concerning an infinite series of 
causes and effects, which he explained to be a string of blind 
men, the last of whom caught hold of the skirt of the one before 
him, he of the next, and so on, till they were all out of sight, 
and that they all walked infallibly straight, without making one 
false step, though all were alike blind.* With these must I class 
those assertors of the development hypothesis who can see in the 
upward progress of being only the operations of an incompre- 
hending and incomprehensible law, through which, in the course 
of unreckoned ages, the lower tribes and families have risen into 
the higher, and inferior into superior natures, and in virtue of 
which, in short, the animal creation has grown, in at least its 
nobler specimens, altogether unwittingly, without thought or care 
on its own part, and without intelligence on the part of the oper- 
ating law, from irrational to rational, and risen in the scale from 
the mere promptings of instinct to the highest exercise of rea- 
son, — from apes and baboons to Bacons and Newtons. The 
l>lind lead the blind; — the unseeing law operates on the unper- 
ceiving creatures; and they go, not together into the ditch, but 
direct onwards, straight as an arrow, and higher and higher at 
every step. 

Another class look with profound melancholy on that great 
city of the dead, — the burial-place of all that ever lived in the 
past, — which occupies with its ever-extending pavements of grave- 
stones, and its ever-lengthening streets of tombs and sepulchres, 
every region opened up by the geologist. They see the onward 
procession of being as if but tipped with life, and naught but 
inanimate carcasses all behind, — dead individuals, dead species, 
dead genera, dead creations, — a universe of death; and ask 



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HUGH MILLER 3015 

whether the same annihilation which overtook in turn all the 
races of all the past shall not one day overtake our own race also, 
and a time come when men and their works shall have no exist- 
ence save as stone-pervaded fossils locked up in the rock forever? 
Nowhere do we find the doubts and fears of this class more ad- 
mirably portrayed than in the works of perhaps the most thought- 
ful and suggestive of living poets: — 

•Are Grod and Nature then at strife, 

That Nature lends such evil dreams, 

So careful of the type she seems, 
So careless of the single life? 
<So careful of the type!^ but no. 

From scarpdd cliff and quarried stone. 

She cries, ^A thousand types are gone; 
I care for nothing; all shall go: 
Thou makest thine appeal to me; 

I bring to life, I bring to death; 

The spirit does but mean the breath. 
I know no more.* And he, — shall he, 
Man, her last work, who seemed so fair, 

Such splendid purpose in his eyes, 

Who rolled the psalm to wintry skies 
And built him fanes of fruitless prayer. 
Who trusted God was love indeed. 

And love creation's final law. 

Though Nature, red in tooth and claw. 
With ravin shrieked against his creed, — 
Who loved, who suffered countless ills. 

Who battled for the true, the just, — 

Be blown about the desert dust. 
Or sealed within the iron hills? 
No more! — a monster then, a dream, 

A discord. Dragons of the prime. 

That tore each other in their slime, 
Were mellow music matched with him. 
O life, as futile then as frail, — 

Oh, for thy voice to soothe and bless! 

What hope of answer or redress. 
Behind the vail, behind the vail ! ^ 

The sagacity of the poet here, — that strange sagacity which 
seems so nearly akin to the prophetic spirit, — suggests in this 
noble passage the true reading of the enigma. The appearance 



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3oi6 



HUGH MILLER 



of man upon the scene of being constitutes a new era in creation; 
the operations of a new instinct come into play, — that instinct 
which anticipates a life after the grave, and reposes in implicit 
faith upon a God alike just and good, who is the pledged ^ rewarder 
of all who diligently seek him.^ And in looking along the long 
line of being, — ever rising in the scale from higher to yet higher 
manifestations, or abroad on the lower animals, whom instinct 
never deceives, — can we hold that man, immeasurably higher in 
his place, and ini&nitely higher in his hopes and aspirations, than 
all that ever went before him, should be, notwithstanding, the 
one grand error in creation, the one painful worker, in the midst 
of present trouble, for a state into which he is never to enter, — 
the befooled expectant of a happy future, which he is never to 
see ? Assuredly no. He who keeps faith with all his humbler 
creatures, — who g^ves to even the bee and the dormouse the 
winter for which they prepare, — will to a certainty not break 
faith with man, — with man, alike the deputed lord of the pres- 
ent creation and the chosen heir of all the future. We have 
been looking abroad on the old geologic burying-grounds, and de- 
ciphering the strange inscriptions on their tombs; but there are 
other burying-grounds and other tombs, — solitary churchyards 
among the hills, where the dust of the martyrs lies, and tombs 
that rise over the ashes of the wise and good; nor are there 
awanting, on even the monuments of the perished races, frequent 
hieroglyphics, and symbols of high meaning, which darkly inti- 
mate to us that while their burial-yards contain but the debris 
of the past, we are to regard the others as charged with the sown 
seed of the future. 



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30I7 




JOHN MILTON 

(1608-1674) 

jiLTON's *Areopagitica> or < Speech for the Liberty of Unli- 
censed Printing, to the Parliament of England^ was mod- 
99^ eled on the ^Oratio Areopagitica^ of Isocrates. Neither 
the speech of Milton nor the oration of Isocrates was actually deliv- 
ered or intended for delivery, but both have exercised a far-reaching 
influence. Milton's ^speech* is one of the best examples of his prose, 
but aside from its literary merits it is memorable because of its in- 
fluence on Erskine and other great Englishmen and Americans who 
were inspired by it to make the struggle for the freedom of speech 
which they regarded as the prerequisite of higher civilization. 



A SPEECH FOR THE LIBERTY OP UNLICENSED PRINTING 
(From Milton's <Areopagitica>) 

LORDS and Commons of England consider what nation it is 
whereof ye are, and whereof ye are the governors: a nation 
not slow and dull, but of a quick, ingenious, and piercing 
spirit, acute to invent, subtle and sinewy to discourse, not beneath 
the reach of any point the highest that human capacity can soar 
to. Therefore the studies of Learning in her deepest sciences have 
been so ancient and so eminent among us, that writers of good 
antiquity and ablest judgment have been persuaded that even the 
school of Pythagoras and the Persian wisdom took beginning 
from the old philosophy of this island. And that wise and civil 
Roman, Julius Agricola, who governed once here for Caesar, pre- 
ferred the natural wits of Britain before the labored studies of 
the French. Nor is it for nothing that the grave and frugal 
Transylvanian sends out yearly from as far as the mountainous 
borders of Russia, and beyond the Hercynian wilderness, not their 
youth, but their staid men to learn our language and our theo- 
logic arts. Yet that which is above all this, the favor and the 
love of heaven, we have great argument to think in a peculiar 



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3oi8 JOHN MILTON 

manner propitious and propending towards us. Why else was 
this nation chosen before any other, that out . of her as out of 
Sion should be proclaimed and sounded forth the first tidings and 
trumpet of reformation to all Europe ? And had it not been the 
obstinate perverseness of our prelates against the divine and ad- 
mirable spirit of Wickliff, to suppress him as a schismatic and 
innovator, perhaps neither the Bohemian Huss and Jerome, no 
nor the name of Luther or of Calvin, had been ever known: the 
glory of reforming all our neighbors had been completely ours. 
But now, as our obdurate clergy have with violence demeaned 
the matter, we are become hitherto the latest and backwardest 
scholars, of whom God offered to have made us the teachers. 
Now once again by all concurrence of signs, and by the general 
instinct of holy and devout men, as they daily and solemnly ex- 
press their thoughts, God is decreeing to begin some new and 
great period in his Church, even to the reforming of Reformation 
itself: what does he, then, but reveal himself to his servants, and 
as his manner is, first to his Englishmen; I say as his manner is, 
first to us, though we mark not the method of his counsels, and 
are unworthy. Behold now this vast city: a city of refuge, the 
mansion house of liberty, encompassed and surrounded with his 
protection; the shop of war hath not there more anvils and ham- 
mers waking, to fashion out the plates and instruments of armed 
justice in defense of beleaguered truth, than there be pens and 
heads there, sitting by their studious lamps, musing, searching, 
revolving new notions and ideas wherewith to present, as with 
their homage and their fealty, the approaching Reformation: 
others as fast reading, trying all things, assenting to the force of 
reason and convincement. What could a man require more from 
a nation so pliant and so prone to seek after knowledge ? What 
wants there to such a towardly and pregnant soil but wise and 
faithful laborers, to make a knowing people, a nation of prophets, 
of sages, and of worthies ? We reckon more than five months yet 
to harvest; there need not be five weeks had we but eyes to lift 
up. The fields are white already. Where there is much desire to 
learn, there of necessity will be much arguing, much writing, 
many opinions; for opinion in good men is but knowledge in the 
making. 

Under these fantastic terrors of sect and schism, we wrong 
the earnest and zealous thirst after knowledge and understanding 
which God hath stirred up in this city. What some lament of, 



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JOHN MILTON 3019 

we rather should rejoice at, should rather praise this pious for- 
wardness among men, to reassume the ill-reputed care of their 
religion into their own hands again. A little generous prudence, 
a little forbearance of one another, and some grain of charity 
might win all these diligences to join, and unite in one general 
and brotherly search after truth,— -could we but forgo this prelati- 
cal tradition of crowding free consciences and Christian liberties 
into canons and precepts of men. I doubt not, if some great 
and worthy stranger should come among us, wise to discern the 
mold and temper of a people, and how to govern it, observing 
the high hopes and aims, the diligent alacrity of our extended 
thoughts and reasonings in the pursuance of truth and freedom, 
but that he would cry out as Pyrrhus did, admiring the Roman 
docility and courage. If such were my Epirots, I would not de- 
spair the greatest design that could be attempted to make a 
church or kingdom happy. Yet these are the men cried out 
against for schismatics and sectaries; as if, while the temple of 
the Lord was building, some cutting, some squaring the marble, 
others hewing the cedars, there should be a sort of irrational 
men who could nbt consider there must be many schisms and 
many dissections made in the quarry and in the timber, ere the 
house of God can be built. And when every stone is laid art- 
fully together, it cannot be united into a continuity, it can but 
be contiguous in this world; neither can every piece of the 
building be of one form; nay rather the perfection consists in 
this, that out of many moderate varieties and brotherly dissimili- 
tudes that are not vastly disproportional, arises the goodly and 
the graceful symmetry that commends the whole pile and struct- 
ure. Let us, therefore, be more considerate builders, more wise 
in spiritual architecture, when great reformation is expected. 
For now the time seems come wherein Moses, the great prophet, 
may sit in heaven rejoicing to see that memorable and glorious 
wish of his fulfilled, when not only our seventy Elders, but all 
the Lord's people, are become prophets. No marvel, then, though 
some men, and some good men too, perhaps, but young in good- 
ness, as Joshua then was, envy them. They fret, and out of 
their own weakness are in agony, lest these divisions and subdi- 
visions will undo us. The adversary again applauds, and waits 
the hour. When they have branched themselves out, saith he, 
small enough into parties and partitions, then will be our time. 
Pool ! he sees not the firm root, out of which we all grow, though 



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3020 JOHN MILTON 

into branches; nor will beware until he see our small divided 
maniples cutting through at every angle of his ill-united and 
unwieldy brigade. And that we are to hope better of all these 
supposed sects and schisms, and that we shall not need that so- 
licitude honesty perhaps, though over-timorous of them that vex 
in this behalf, but shall laugh in the end at those malicious ap- 
plauders of our differences, I have these reasons to persuade me. 
First, when a city shall be, as it were, besieged and blocked 
about, her navigable river infested, inroads and incursions round, 
dej&ance and battle oft rumored to be marching up even to her 
walls and suburb trenches, that then the people, or the greater 
part, more than at other times, wholly taken up with the study 
of highest and most important matters to be reformed, should be 
disputing, reasoning, reading, inventing, discoursing, even to a 
rarity and admiration, things not before discoursed or written of, 
argues first a singular good-will, contentedness and confidence in 
your prudent foresight, and safe government, lords and com- 
mons; and from thence derives itself to a gallant bravery and 
well-grounded contempt of their enemies, as if there were no 
small number of as great spirits among us, as his was, who 
when Rome was nigh besieged by Hannibal, being in the city, 
bought that piece of ground at no cheap rate, whereon Hannibal 
himself encamped his own regiment. Next it is a lively and 
cheerful presage of our happy success and victory. For as in a 
body, when the blood is fresh, the spirits pure and vigorous, not 
only to vital, but to rational faculties, and those in the acutest, 
and the pertest operations of wit and subtlety, it argues in what 
good plight and constitution the body is, so when the cheerful- 
ness of the people is so sprightly up, as that it has, not only 
wherewith to guard well its own freedom and safety, but to spare 
and to bestow upon the solidest and sublimest points of contro- 
versy and new invention, it betokens us not degenerated, nor 
drooping to a fatal decay, but casting off the old and wrinkled 
skin of corruption to outlive these pangs and wax young again, 
entering the glorious ways of truth and prosperous virtue des- 
tined to become great and honorable in these latter ages. Me- 
thinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing 
herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible 
locks: methinks I see her as an eagle mewing her mighty youth, 
and kindling her undazzled eyes at the full midday beam; purg- 
ing and unsealing her long-abused sight at the fountain itself of 



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JOHN MILTON 303 1 

heavenly radiance; while the whole noise of timorous and flock- 
ing birds, with those also that love the twilight, flutter about, 
amazed at what she means, and in their envious gabble would 
prognosticate a year of sects and schisms. 

What should ye do then, should ye suppress all this flowery 
crop of knowledge and new light sprung up and yet springing 
daily in this city, should ye set an oligarchy of twenty engrossers 
over it, to bring a famine upon our minds again, when we shall 
know nothing but what is measured to us by their bushel ? Be- 
lieve it, lords and commons, they who counsel ye to such a sup- 
pressing do as good as bid ye suppress yourselves; and I will 
soon show how. If it be desired to know the immediate cause 
of all this free writing and free speaking, there cannot be as- 
signed a truer than your own mild, and free, and humane gov- 
ernment; it is the liberty, lords and commons, which your own 
valorous and happy counsels have purchased us, — liberty which is 
the nurse of all great wits; this is that which hath rarefied and 
enlightened our spirits like the influence of heaven; this is that 
which hath enfranchised, enlarged, and lifted up our apprehen- 
sions degrees above themselves. Ye cannot make us now less 
capable, less knowing, less eagerly pursuing of the truth, unless 
ye first make yourselves, that made us so, less the lovers, less the 
founders of our true liberty. We can grow ignorant again, brut- 
ish, formal, and slavish, as ye found us; but you then must first 
become that which ye cannot be, oppressive, arbitrary, and tyran- 
nous, as they were from whom ye have freed us. That our 
hearts are now more capacious, our thoughts more erected to 
the search and expectation of greatest and exactest things, is the 
issue of your own virtue propagated in us; ye cannot suppress 
that unless ye reinforce an abrogated and merciless law that 
fathers may despatch at will their own children. And who shall 
then stick closest to ye, and excite others ? not he who takes up 
arms for coat and conduct, and his four nobles of Danegelt. 
Although I dispraise not the defense of just immunities, yet I 
love my peace better, if that were all. Give me the liberty to 
know, to utter, and to argue freely according to conscience, above 
all liberties. 



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3022 




COMTE DE MIRABEAU 

(GABRIEL HONORE RIQUETTI, COMTE DE MIRABEAU) 

(1749-1791) 

{iRABEAU's supremacy among the orators of the French Revo- 
lution is generally conceded. Governed by intellect and im- 
pulse, controlled usually by good intentions, and full of 
sympathy for progress, as he understood it, it does not appear that 
he was ever hampered either in expression or in action by purely 
moral considerations. Bom March 9th, 1749, near Nemours, he inher- 
ited the worst, as well as the best, traits of a family in which intellect 
had been developed at the expense of morals. His father who has 
been judged severely by historians and critics seems to have resented 
with great bitterness his son's infirmities and criminal tendencies, 
though it has been asserted with reason that the worst of them 
were hereditary. As a result, the younger Mirabeau was a victim of 
a lettre de cachet, and spent a considerable part of his youth in the 
Bastile. He improved his time in prison by acquiring a great deal of 
the knowledge he afterwards used to such advantage in politics, but 
he employed it also in compiling a book of the most dissolute char- 
acter — unmentionable except as it illustrates his vital weakness of 
mind and morals — a weakness which appeared at the crisis of his life 
— which, when he undertook to be the ruling spirit of the French Rev- 
olution, « guiding the whirlwind and directing the storm, » brought 
him premature death followed by the infamy of the potter's field, 
inflicted by those who believed with too much reason that he had de- 
serted the cause of popular government for the service of the court 
It is asserted, and in some instances proven, that speeches and ad- 
dresses which helped to make his great reputation as an orator were 
prepared for him by the circle of highly intellectual men who sur- 
rounded him. but even if all were conceded that is claimed, it would 
still remain true that as an extemporaneous speaker he has been 
seldom surpassed. It is said of him that in delivering his extempo- 
raneous harangues ^ his frame dilated, his face was wrinkled and con- 
torted; he roared and stamped; his whole system was seized with an 
electric irritability, and writhed as under an almost preternatural 
agitation. . . . 



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COMTE DE MIRABEAU 3023 

« The effect of his eloquence was greatly increased by his hideously 
magnificent aspect, — the massive frame, the features full of pock 
marks and blotches, the eagle eye that dismayed with a look, the 
voice of thunder, the hair that waved like a lion's mane.*^ Much of 
this appearance of extreme emotion was carefully cultivated and the- 
atrical, but such success as that of Mirabeau could never have been 
possible to mere false pretenses. *^If I wish to compose, or write, 
or pray, and preach well, I must be zornig,^ writes Martin Luther. 
Zornig has been translated * angry, » but its meaning, as Luther used 
it and as it applies to the deepest causes of Mirabeau's eloquence, is 
far higher. It means moved by indignation against wrong; by the 
feeling which impels one who has a highly developed sense of order 
to resent and resist disorder; which leaves no peace to the man who 
loves right, when he sees wrong being done. The Hindoo sage who 
has almost attained ^^ Nirvana*^ would be considered by his fellow- 
philosophers a recreant to his ideals were he to sacrifice his own im- 
mediate prospect of eternal peace to prevent the oppression of some 
pariah of his tribe, — even were that oppression in the form of mur- 
der itself attempted in his presence! But to the nature which is 
capable of Zom as it moved Mirabeau, such an eternity of peace 
would be rejected if only for the sake of the supreme satisfaction of 
struggle. Had Mirabeau been as capable of controlling himself as he 
was of mastering others, he might almost have achieved the omnip- 
otence which, in the enormity of his vanity, he often seemed to arro- 
gate for himself. Soon after his death, April 2d, 1791, the suspicions 
which had long been entertained of his corrupt connection with the 
court were confirmed. The agreement under whict he became a 
stipendiary of royalty is preserved and published in Lafayette's 
^ Memoirs.^ « Mirabeau. '^ writes Lord Brougham, « contributed by his 
courage and his eloquence to the destruction of the old monarchy 
more than any one individual, — more even than Necker did by his 
weakness and his inconsistency. His was the first eloquence that 
emancipated France ever experienced. Admitted at length to assist 
in popular assemblies, addressed as the arbiters of the country's fate, 
called to perform their part by debating and hearing debates, it was 
by Mirabeau that the people were first made to feel the force of the 
orator, first taught what it was to hear spoken reason and spoken 
pcission; and the silence of ages in those halls was first broken by 
the thunder of his voice echoing through the lofty vaults now cover- 
ing multitudes of excited men. That his eloquence should in such 
circumstances pass for more than its value was inevitable; and that 
its power should be prodigious in proportion to the novelty of the 
occasion was quite a matter of course. No one ever ruled assem- 
blies, either of the people or of their representatives, with a more 



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3034 COMTB DB MIRABEAU -- 

absoltite sway; none ever reaped an ampler harvest of popular S3nn- 
pathy and popular applause than he did when he broke up the public 
mind lying waste in France, and never till then touched or subdued 
by the rhetorician's art. But no sooner had he overthrown all the 
institutions of the monarchy than he entered into treaty with the 
court, to whose weakness his influence had become necessary as a 
restorative or a prop. It is possible, no doubt, that he may have 
felt the perils in which he had involved the country; but it is cer- 
tain that the price of his assistance in rescuing her was stipulated 
with all the detail of the most sordid chaffering; and it is as unde- 
niable that, had not death taken him from the stage at the moment 
of his greatest popularity, he must have stood or sunk before the 
world in a few weeks, as a traitor to the people, purchased with a 
price, and that price a large sum and a large income in the current 
coin of the realm.* W. V. B. 



ON NECKER'S PROJECT— « AND YET YOU DELIBERATE* 

(Delivered in the Constituent Assembly on Necker's Financial Project of a 
Twenty-Five Per Cent Income Tax, September 26th, 1789) 

Gentlemen : — 

IN THE midst of this tumultuous debate can I not bring you 
back to the question of the deliberation by a few simple 

questions. Deign, gentlemen, to hear me and to vouchsafe a 
reply. 

The minister of finance, — has he not shown you a most for- 
midable picture of our actual situation? Has he not told you 
that every delay aggravates^ the danger — that a day, an hour, an 
instant, may make it fatal ? J 

Have we any other plan to substitute for the one he pro- 
poses? *Yes,* cries some one in the assembly! I conjure the 
one making this reply of **Yes,* to consider that his plan is un- 
known; that it would take time to develop, eicamine, and demon- 
strate it; that even were it at once submitted to our deliberation, 
its author may be mistaken; were he even free of all error, it 
might be thought he was wrong, for when the whole world is 
wrong, the whole world makes wrong right. The author of this 
other project in being right might be wrong against the world, 
since without the assent of public opinion the greatest talents 
could not triumph over such circumstances. 



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COMTE DB MIRABEAU 3035 

r- 

And I — 1 1 myself — do not believe the methods of M. Necker 
the very besT possible. But heaven preserve me in such a critical 
situation from opposing my views to his! Vainly I might hold 
them preferable ! One does not- in a moment rival an immense 
popularity achieved by brilliant services; a long experience, the 
reputation of the highest talent as a financier, and, it can be 
added, a destiny such as has been achieved by no other man! 

Let us then return to this plan of M. Necker. But have we 
the time to examine, to prove its fotmdation, to verify its calcula- 
tions? No, no, a thousand times no! Insignificant questions, haz- 
ardous conjectures, doubts, and gropings, these are all that at this 
moment are in our power. What shall we accomplish by reject- 
ing this deliberation ? Miss our decisive moment, injure our self- 
esteem by changing something we neither know nor imderstand, 
and diminish by our indiscreet intervention the influence of a 
minister, whose financial credit is, and ought to be, much greater 
than our own. Gentlemen, there assuredly is in this neither wis- 
dom nor foresight. Does it even show good faith? If no less 
solemn declarations guarantee our respect for the public faith, 
our horror of the infamous word •bankruptcy,* I might dare to 
scrutinize the secret motives which make us hesitate to promul- 
gate an act of patriotic devotion which will be inefficacious if not 
done immediately and with full confidence. 

I would say to those who familiarize themselves with the idea 
of failing to keep the public faith, either by fear of taxes or of 
excessive sacrifices: What is bankruptcy, if not the most cruel, 
the most iniquitous, the most tmequal, the most disastrous of im- 
posts? My friends, hear but a word — a single word: — 

Two centuries of depredations and brigandage have made the 
chasm in which the kingdom is ready to engulf itself. We must 
close this fearful abyss. Well, here is a list of French proprie- 
tors! Choose among the richest, thus sacrificing the least num- 
ber of citizens! But choose! For must not a small number 
perish to save the mass of the people? Well, these two thou- 
sand notables possess enough to make up the deficit. This will 
restore order in the finances and bring peace and prosperity to 
the kingdom! 

Strike, immolate without pity these wretched victims, cast 
them into the abyss until it is closed. You recoil in horror, in- 
consistent and pusillanimous men! Do you not see that in de- 
creeing bankruptcy, or what is still more odious, in rendering it 
vin — 190 



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3026 



COMTB DE MIRABBAU 



inevitable, without decreeing it, you do a deed a thousand times 
more criminal, and — folly inconceivable — gratuitously criminal? 
For at least this horrible sacrifice would cause the disappearance 
of the deficit But do you imagine that in refusing to pay, you 
will cease to owe? Do you believe that the thousands, the mil- 
lions of men, who will lose in an instant, by the terrible explosion 
or its repercussion, all that made the consolation of their lives, 
and constituted, perhaps, the sole means of their support, would 
leave you peaceably to enjoy your crime ? Stoical contemplators 
of the incalculable evils, which this catastrophe would disgorge 
upon France! Impassive egoists who think that these convul- 
sions of despair and misery shall pass like so many others, and 
the more rapidly as they are the more violent! Are you sure 
that so many men without bread will leave you tranquilly to 
the enjoyment of those dainties, the number and delicacy of 
which you are tmwilling to diminish. No! you will perish, and 
in the universal conflagration you do not hesitate to kindle, the 
loss of your honor will not save a single one of your detestable 
enjoyments! 

Look where we are going! ... I hear you speak of patriot- 
ism, and the elan of patriotism, of invocations to patriotism. 
Ah! do not prostitute the words, •country* and •patriotism*! 
Is it so very magnanimous — the effort to give a portion of one's 
revenue to save all of one's possessions? This, gentlemen, is 
only simple arithmetic; and he who hesitates cannot disarm 
indignation except by the contempt he inspires through his stu- 
pidity. Yes, gentlemen, this is the plainest prudence, the com- 
monest wisdom! It is your gross material interests I invoke! 
I shall not say to you as formerly: Will you be the first to ex- 
hibit to the nations the spectacle of a people assembled to make 
default in their public obligations? I shall not say again: What 
titles have you to liberty ? What means remain to you to pre- 
serve it, if in your first act you surpass the turpitude of the 
most corrupt governments; if the first care of your vigilant co- 
operation is not for the guarantee of your constitution? I tell 
you, you will all be dragged into a universal ruin, and you your- 
selves have the greatest interests in making the sacrifices the 
Grovemment asks of you. Vote, then, for this extraordinary sub- 
sidy; and it may be sufl&cient! Vote for it, for if you have any 
doubts on the means adopted (vague and unenlightened doubts), 
you have none as to its necessity, or our inability to provide an 



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COMTB DE MIRABEAU 



30*7 



immediate substitute. Vote, then, because public necessity admits 
no delay and we shall be held accountable for any delay that 
occurs. Beware of asking for time I]. Misfortune never grants it! 

Gentlemen, apropos of a ridiculous disturbance at the Palais 
Royal, of a laughable insurrection, which never had any import- 
ance save in the weak imaginations or perverted designs of a 
few faith-breakers, you have heard these mad words: ^Catiline 
is at the gates of Rome! And yet you deliberate!* 

And certainly there has been about us no Catiline, no peril, 
no faction, no Rome. But to-day [Bankruptcy — hideous bank- 
ruptcy is here — it threatens to consume you, your properties, 
your honor! And yet you deliberate! 



(Address to the Nation on Keeker's Project Offered by Miiabean, October sd* 

I789») 

THE deputies who from the national assembly, suspend, for 
awhile, their proceedings, in order to make known the 
wants of the State to their constituents, and, in the name 
of the country in danger, call upon them for their patriotic co- 
operation. 

We should betray the interests you have confided to us, did 
we conceal from you that the nation is now on the eve of either 
rising to a glorious destiny or sinking into an abyss of misery. 

A great revolution, which, a few months since, appeared 
chimerical, has just been e£Eected in the midst of us all; but its 
progress having been accelerated by events upon which no hu- 
man foresight could calculate, it has, by its impetuosity, dragged 
down with it the whole fabric of the ancient system of govern- 
ment, and without giving us time to prop up those parts which 
it might have been advantageous to preserve, or replacing those 
which it was right to destroy, it has suddenly surrounded us 
with a huge heap of ruins. 

In vain have our exertions supported the Government It has 
become completely powerless. The public revenue has disap- 
peared, and credit cannot raise its head at a period when there 
is i)erhaps more to fear than to hope. In letting itself down, 
this mainspring of social strength has relaxed all around it; 

'This is one of a number of addresses composed or fathered by Mira- 
bean, the composition of which in whole or in part is claimed by Dnmont 



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men and things, resolution, courage, and even virtue. If your 
assistance restore not rapidly the body politic to life, this most 
admirable Revolution will be lost ere it be complete; it will re- 
turn to chaos, whence so many noble works have brought it 
forth, and they who must ever preserve the invincible love of 
freedom will not even leave to bad citizens the degrading • con- 
solation of a return to slavery. 

Ever since your deputies have, by a just and necessary union, 
destroyed all rivalry and clashing of interests, the National As- 
sembly has not ceased its exertions in framing a code of laws 
applicable to all classes and conditions, and the safeguard of alL 
It has required grievous errors, broken the bonds of feudal serv- 
itude which degraded htmianity, di£Eused joy and hope through 
the hearts of our husbandmen — those creditors of the soil and 
of nature so long discouraged and branded with shame — re- 
established that equality between Frenchmen, so long disavowed, 
consisting in a common right to serve the State, enjoy its pro- 
tection, and deserve its favors; in short, it is gradually raising 
upon the unchangeable basis of the imprescriptible rights of 
man a constitution mild as nature, lasting as justice, and whose 
imperfections, arising from the inexperience of its authors, may 
be easily amended. 

We have had to contend with the inveterate prejudices of ages, 
and much uncertainty always attends great political changes. 
Our successors will be enlightened by our experience, for we 
have been obliged to tread in a new path with only a glimmer- 
ing light of the principles which were to guide us. They will 
proceed peaceably, for we shall have borne the brunt of the 
tempest. They will know their rights and the limits of every 
power in the State; for we shall have recovered the one and 
fixed the other. They will consolidate our work, and surpass 
us — this will be our reward. Who now would dare assign a 
term to the greatness of France ? Who would not, on the con- 
trary, elevate its prospects, and glory in being one of its citi- 
zens? 

Nevertheless, the state of our finances is such that our social 
edifice threatens to fall before we can consolidate it. The fail- 
ure of the revenue has diminished the currency of the realm; a 
host of circumstances has drained the kingdom of the precious 
metals, and all sources of credit are dried up; the general cir- 
culation is on the eve of stoppage, and if your patriotism assist 



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COMTB DB MIRABEAU 3039 

not the Government in its finances, — which embraces everything, 
army, navy, subsistence, arts, commerce, agriculture, and national 
debts, — Prance will be rapidly precipitated towards a horrible 
catastrophe, and will receive no laws save from disorder and 
anarchy! . . . 

Freedom will have shone upon us but an instant, to disappear 
forever, leaving us the bitter consciousness that we are tmworthy 
of her! To our own eternal shame, and to the conviction of the 
whole universe, we shall owe our evils solely to ourselves. With 
so fertile a soil, so fruitful an industry, so flourishing a trade, 
and such extensive means of prosperity, the embarrassments in 
our finances are comparatively trifling. The whole of our pres- 
ent wants would scarcely cover the expenses of a war campaign; 
and is not our liberty much more precious than those mad strug- 
gles in which even our victories have been fatal? 

The present crisis once past, it will be easier to better the con- 
dition of the people; and no more burdens need be imposed upon 
them. Reductions which will not reach luxury and opulence, 
reforms which will not affect the fortunes of any, easy conver- 
sions of imposts, and an equal distribution of taxes, will, by the 
equilibrium of receipts and disbursements, establish a permanent 
order of things; and this consolatory prospect is formed upon 
exact calculations — upon real and well-known objects. On this 
occasion hope is susceptible of demonstration, because the imagi- 
nation is rendered subservient to arithmetic. 

But to meet our actual wants, restore motion to the machinery 
of Government, and cover for this year and the next the one 
hundred and sixty millions of extraordinary expenditure — the 
minister of finance proposes as a means which, in this emer- 
gency, may save the monarchy, a contribution proportionate to 
the income of each citizen. 

Pressed between the necessity of providing immediately for 
the wants of the State and the impossibility of deeply investigat- 
ing the plan proposed by the minister, in so limited a time, we 
have refrained from long and doubtful discussions; and seeing 
nothing in the minister's proposal derogatory from our duty, we 
have confidently adopted it, in the persuasion that you would do 
the same. The general affection of the nation towards the au- 
thor of this plan seems to us the pledge of its success, and we 
have trusted to the minister's long experience as a surer guide 
than new speculations. 



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^O^O COMTE DE MIRABEAU 

The fixation of the amount of their several incomes is left to 
the conscience of the citis^ns themselves; thus, the success of the 
measure depends solely upon their patriotism, and we are there- 
fore warranted in entertaining no doubt of such success. 

When a nation ascends from the depths of servitude to the 
glorious regions of freedom — when policy is about to concur with 
nature in the immense development of its high destinies — shall 
vile passions oppose its grandeur, or egotism arrest its flight? 
Is the safety of the State of less weight than a personal contri- 
bution? 

No, such an error cannot exist; — the passions themselves yield 
not to such base calculations. If the Revolution, which has given 
us a country, has left some Frenchmen indifferent, it will be their 
interest to maintain, at all events, the tranquillity of the kingdom, 
as the only pledge of their personal safety. For it is certainly 
not in a general tumult — in the degradation of public authority 
— when thousands of indigent citizens, driven from their work 
and their means of subsistence, shall claim the sterile commis- 
seration of their brethren — when armies shall be dissolved into 
wandering bands armed with swords and irritated by hunger — 
when property shall be threatened, lives no longer safe, and grief 
and terror upon the threshold of every door — it is not in such 
a state of society that the egotist can enjoy the mite he has re- 
fused to contribute for the wants of his country. The only dif- 
ference in his fate, in the common calamity, would be deserved 
opprobrium; and in his bosom, unavailing remorse. 

What recent proofs have we not had of that pubUc spirit 
which places success beyond a doubt With what rapidity was 
that national militia, were those legions of armed citizens formed, 
for the defense of the States, the preservation of public peace, 
and due execution of the laws! A generous emulation pervaded 
the whole kingdom. Towns, cities, provinces, all considered their 
privileges as odious distinctions, and aspired to the honor of sac- 
rificing them to enrich their country. You well know that there 
was not time to draw up a separate decree for each sacrifice, 
which a truly pure and patriotic sentiment dictated to all classes 
of citizens, who voluntarily restored to the great family that 
which was exclusively enjoyed by the few to the prejudice of 
the many. 

Patriotic gifts have been singularly multiplied during the 
present crisis in the finances. The most noble examples have 



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emanated from the throne^ whose majesty is elevated by the vir- 
tue of the prince who sits upon it. O prince, so justly beloved 
by your people! King, honest man, and good citizen! You 
glanced at the magnificence which surrounded you, and the 
riches of ostentation were forthwith converted into national re- 
sources! By foregoing the imbellishments of luxury, your royal 
dignity received new splendor; and while the affection of your 
I>eople makes them murmur at your privations, their sensibility 
applauds your noble courage, and their generosity will return 
your benefactions, as you wish them to be returned, by imitating 
your virtue and affording you the delight of having guided them 
through the difficult paths of public sacrifice. 

How vast is the wealth which ostentation and vanity have 
made their prey, and which might become the active agent of 
prosperity ! To what an extent might individual economy concur 
with the most noble views in restoring happiness to the king- 
dom! The immense riches accumulated by the piety of our 
forefathers for the service of the altar would not change their 
religious destinations by being brought' from their obscurity and 
devoted to the public service! ^ These are the hoards which I 
collected in the days of prosperity,* says our holy religion; «I 
add them to the general mass in the present times of public 
calamity. I required them not; no borrowed splendor can add to 
my greatness. It was for you and for the State that I levied 
this tribute upon the piety of your ancestors.* 

Oh! who would reject such examples as these? How favor- 
able is the present moment for the development of our resources, 
and for claiming assistance from all parts of the empire! Let 
us prevent the opprobrium of violating our most sacred Engage- 
ments, which would prove a foul blot upon the infancy of our 
freedom. Let us prevent those dreadful shocks which, by over- 
throwing the most solid institutions, would affect far and near 
the fortune of all classes of citizens, and present, throughout the 
kingdom, the sad spectacle of a disgraceful ruin. How do they 
deceive themselves who, at a distance from the metropolis, con- 
sider not the public faith, either in its inseparable connection 
with the national prosperity, or as the primary condition of our 
social compact! Do they who pronounce the infamous word 
•bankruptcy* desire that we should form a commtmity of wild 
beasts, instead of equitable and free men? What Frenchman 
would dare look upon one of his unforttmate brethren if his 



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conscience shonld whisper to him that he had contributed his 
share towards poisonmg the existence of millions of his fellow- 
creatures? Should we be any longer that nation whose very 
enemies grant us the pride of honor, if foreigners could degrade 
us with the title of ^ Bankrupt Nation,'^ and accuse us of having 
assumed our freedom and our strength only to commit crimes 
at which even Despotism herself would shudder? 

Our protesting that our execrable crime was not premeditated 
would avail us nothing. The cries of our victims, disseminated 
all over Europe, would be a louder and a more e£Eective protest- 
ation than ours. We must act without loss of time; prompt, 
efficacious, and certain measures must be adopted; and that cloud 
must disappear, which has been so long suspended over our 
heads, and, from one end of Europe to the other, has thrown 
consternation into the minds of the creditors of Prance; — for it 
may, at length, become more fatal to our national resources than 
the dreadful scourge which has ravished our provinces. 

What courage would the adoption of this plan give us in the 
functions you have confided to our seal! And how could we pro- 
ceed with safety, in the constitution of a State whose very exist- 
ence is in danger ? We promised, nay, we solemnly swore to save 
the country. Judge, then, of our anguish, when we fear that it 
will perish in our hands. A momentary sacrifice is all that is 
required; but it must be frankly made to the public good, and 
not to the depredations of cupidity. And is this slight expiation 
of the faults and errors of the period marked by our political 
servitude beyond our courage? God forbid! Let us remember 
the price paid for freedom, by every people who have showed 
themselves worthy of it. Torrents of blood, lengthened misfor- 
tunes, and dreadful civil wars have everywhere marked her 
birth. She only requires of us a pecuniary sacrifice; and this 
vulgar offering is not a gift that will impoverish us, for she will 
return to enrich us, and shine upon our cities and- fields to in- 
crease their glory and prosperity. 



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COMTB DB MIRABBAU 303$ 

DEFYING THE FRENCH ARISTOCRACY 

(From a Speech against the Nobility and Clei^ of Provence, 
Febnmry 3d, 1789) 

IN ALL countries, in all ages, have aristocrats implacably pursaed 
the friends of the people; and when, by I know not what 

combination of fortune, such a friend has uprisen from the 
very bosom of the aristocracy, it has been at him pre-eminently 
that they have struck, eager to inspire wider terror by the eleva- 
tion of their victim. So perished the last of the Gracchi by the 
hands of the Patricians. But, mortally smitten, he flung dust 
towards heaven, calling the avenging gods to witness: and from 
that dust sprang Marius — Marius, less illustrious for having ex- 
terminated the Cimbri than for having beaten down the despot- 
ism of the nobility in Rome. 

But you. Commons, listen to one, who, unseduced by your ap- 
plauses, yet cherishes them in his heart. Man is strong only by 
union; happy only by peace. Be firm, not obstinate; courageous, 
not turbulent; ffee, not undisciplined; prompt, not precipitate. 
Stop not, except at difficulties of moment; and be then wholly 
inflexible. But disdain the contentions of self-love, and never 
thrust into the balance the individual against the country. Above 
all hasten, as much as in you lies, the epoch of those States- 
(3eneral, from which you are charged with flinching, — the more 
acrimoniously charged, the more your accusers dread the results; 
of those States-General, through which so many pretensions will 
be scattered, so many rights re-established, so many evils re- 
formed, of those States-General, in short, through which the 
monarch himself desires that France should regenerate herself. 

For myself, who, in my public career, have had no other fear 
but that of wrong-doing, — who, girt with my conscience and 
armed with my principles, would brave the universe, — whether 
it shaU be my fortune to serve you with my voice and my exer- 
tions in the National Assembly, or whether I shall be enabled to 
aid you there with my prayers only, be sure that the vain clamors, 
the wrathful menaces, the injurious protestations, — all the con- 
vulsions, in a word, of expiring prejudices, — shall not intimidate 
me! What! shall he now pause in his civic course, who, first 
among all the men of France, emphatically proclaimed his opin- 
ions on national affairs, at a time when circumstances were much 
less urgent than now, and the task one of much greater peril? 



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3034 COMTB DB MIRABBAU 

Never! No measure of outrages shall bear down my patience. I 
have been, I am, I shall be, even to the tomb, the man of the 
public liberty, the man of the Constitution. If to be such be to 
become the man of the people rather than of the nobles, then 
woe to the privileged orders! For privileges shall have an end, 
but the people is eternal! 



AGAINST THE ESTABLISHMENT OP RELIGION 
(From an Address in the Constituent Assembly) 

WK ARE reproached with having refused to decree that the 
Catholic religion, Apostolic and Roman, is the national 
religion. To declare the Christian religion national would 
be to dishonor it in its most intimate and essential characteristic. 
In general terms, it may be said that religion is not, and cannot 
be, a relation between the individual man and society. It is a 
relation between him and the Infinite Being. Would you under- 
stand what was meant by a national conscience? Religion is no 
more national than conscience. A man is not veritably religious 
in so far as he is attached to the religion of a nation. If there 
were but one religion in the world, and all men were agreed in 
professing it, it would be none the less true that each would 
have the sincere sentiment of religion so far only as he should 
be himself religious with a religion of his own; that is to say, so 
far only as he would be wedded to that universal religion, even 
though the whole human race were to abjure it. And so, from 
whatever point we consider religion, to term it national is to 
give it a designation insignificant or absurd. 

Would it be as the arbiter of its truth, or as the judge of its 
aptitude to form good citizens, that the legislature would make a 
religion constitutional ? But, in the first place, are there national 
truths ? In the second place, can it be ever useful to the public 
happiness to fetter the conscience of men by a law of the State ? 
The law unites us only in those points where adhesion is essen- 
tial to social organization. Those points belong only to the 
superficies of our being. In thought and conscience men remain 
isolated; and their association leaves to them, in these respects, 
the absolute freedom of the state of nature. 

What a spectacle would it be for those early Christians, who, 
to escape the sword of i)ersecution, were obliged to consecrate 



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their altars in caves or amid rmns, — what a spectacle would it 
be for them, could they this day come among us and witness 
the glory with which their despised religion now sees itself envi- 
roned; the temples, the lofty steeples bearing aloft the glittering 
emblem of their faith — the evangelic cross which crowns the 
summit of all the departments of this great empire! What a 
transporting sight for those who, in descending to the tomb, had 
seen that religion, during their lives, honored only in the lurking- 
places of the forest and the desert! Methinks I hear them 
exclaim, even as that stranger of the old time exclaimed, on be- 
holding the encampment of the people of God: ^How goodly are 
thy tents, O Jacob, and thy tabernacles, O Israel!* 

Calm, then, ah! calm your apprehensions, ye ministers of the 
God of peace and truth. Blush rather at your incendiary exag- 
gerations, and no longer look at the action of this Assembly 
through the medium of your 'passions. We do not ask it of you 
to take an oath contrary to the law of your heart; but we do 
ask it of you, .in the name of tl^at God who will judge us all, 
not to confound himian opinions and scholastic traditions with 
the sacred and inviolable rules of the Gospel. If it be contrary 
to morality to act against one's conscience, it is none the less so 
to form one's conscience after false and arbitrary principles. 
The obligation to form and enlighten one's conscience is anterior 
to the obligation to follow one's conscience. The greatest public 
calamities have been caused by men who believed they were 
obeying God, and saving their own souls. 



r 

' ANNOUNCING THE DEATH OP FRANKLIN 
(Delivered in the French Assembly, June nth, 1790) 

FRANKLIN is dead! Restored to the bosom of the Divinity is 
that genius which gave freedom to America, and rayed 
forth torrents of light upon Europe. The sage whom two 
worlds claim — the man whom the history of empires and the 
history of science alike contend for — occupied, it cannot be de- 
nied, a lofty rank among his species. Long enough have polit- 
ical cabinets signalized the death of those who were great in 
their funeral eulogies only. Long enough has the etiquette of 
courts prescribed hypocritical mournings. For their benefactors 



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only should nations assume the emblem of grief; and the repre- 
sentatives of nations should commend only the heroes of human- 
ity to public veneration. 

We live under a form of government and in a state of society 
to which the world has never yet exhibited a parallel. Is it 
then nothing to be free? How many nations in the whole an- 
nals of humankind have proved themselves worthy of being so? 
Is it nothing that we are republicans ? Were all men as enlight- 
ened, as brave, as proud as they ought to be, would they suffer 
themselves to be insulted with any other title ? Is it nothing 
that so many independent sovereignties should be held together 
in such a confederacy as ours? What does history teach us of 
the difficulty of instituting and maintaining such a polity, and of 
the glory that, of consequence, ought to be given to those who 
enjoy its advantages in so much perfection and on so grand a 
scale ? For can anything be more striking and sublime than the 
idea of an imperial republic, spreading over an extent of terri- 
tory more immense than the empire of the Caesars, in the ac- 
omiulated conquests of a thousand years — without prefects, or 
proconsuls, or publicans — founded in the maxims of common 
sense — employing within itself no arms but those of reason — 
and known to its subjects only by the blessings it bestows or 
perpetuates, yet capable of directing against a foreign, foe all the 
energies of a military despotism — a republic in which men are 
completely insignificant, and principles and laws exercise, through- 
out its vast dominion, a peaceftd and irresistible sway, blending 
in one divine harmony such various habits and conflicting opin- 
ions, and mingling in our institutions the light of philosophy with 
all that is dazzling in the associations of heroic achievement, and 
extended domination, and deep-seated and formidable power! 



« REASON IMMUTABLE AND SOVEREIGN* 

(Delivered on the Refusal of the Chamber of Vacations of Rennes to Obey 
the Decrees of the National Assembly, January 9th, 1790) 

WHEN, during onr session yesterday, those words which you 
have taught Frenchmen to unlearn — orders, privileges — 
fell on my ears; when a private corporation of one of the 
Provinces of this Empire spoke to you of the impossibility of 
consenting to the execution of your decrees, sanctioned by the 



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COMTE DB MIRABEAU 3037 

King; when certain magistrates declared to you that their con- 
science and their honor forbade their obedience to your laws, 
I said to myself: Are these, then, dethroned sovereigns, who, in 
a transport of imprudent, but generous pride, are addressing suc- 
cessful usurpers? No; these are men whose arrogant preten- 
sions have too long been an insult to all ideas of social order; 
champions, even more interested than audacious, of a system 
which has cost Prance centuries of oppression, public and priv- 
ate, political and fiscal, feudal and judicial, and whose hope is 
to make us regret and revive that system. The people of Brit- 
tany have sent among you sixty-six representatives, who assure 
you that the new Constitution crowns all their wishes; and here 
come eleven judges of the Province, who cannot consent that you 
shotdd be the benefactors of their country. They have disobeyed 
your laws; and they pride themselves on their disobedience, and 
believe it will make their names honored by posterity. No, gen- 
tlemen, the remembrance of their folly will not pass to posterity. 
What avail their pigmy efforts to brace themselves against the 
progress of a revolution the grandest and most glorious in the 
world's history, and one that must infallibly change the face of 
the globe and the lot of humanity? Strange prestunption that 
would arrest liberty in its course and roll back the destinies of 
a great nation JJ.. 

It is not to antiquated transactions, — it is not to musty treat- 
ies, wherein fraud combined with force to chain men to the car 
of certain haughty masters, — that the National Assembly have 
resorted, in their investigations into popular rights. The titles 
we offer are more imposing by far; ancient as time, sacred and 
imprescriptible as nature! What! Must the terms of the mar- 
riage contract of one Anne of Brittany make the people of that 
^ Province slaves to the nobles till the consummation of the ages? 
These refractory magistrates speak of the statutes which ^im- 
mutably fix our powers of legislation.* Immutably fix! Oh, how 
that word tears the veil from their innermost thoughts! How 
would they like to have abuses immutable upon the earth, and 
evil eternal! Indeed, what is lacking to their felicity but the 
perpetuity of that feudal scourge, which unhappily has lasted 
only six centuries? But it is in vain that they rage. All now 
is changed or changing. There is nothing immutable save rea- 
son — save the sovereignty of the people — save the inviolability 
of its decrees !"1 



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JUSTIFYING REVOLUTION 



(Delivered in Reply to Those Who Denied the National Assembly the 
Authority of a National Convention, April 19th, 1790) 

IT IS with difficulty, gentlemen, that I can repress an emotion 
of indignation, when I hear hostile rhetoricians continually 
oppose the nation to the National Assembly, and endeavor to 
excite a sort of rivalry between them. As if it were not through 
the National Assembly that the nation had recognized, recovered, 
reconquered its rights! As if it were not through the National 
Assembly that the French had, in truth, become a nation! As 
if, ^ surrounded by the monuments of our labors, our dangers, our 
services, we could become suspected by the people — formidable 
to the liberties of the people! As if the regards of two worlds 
upon you fixed, as if the spectacle of your glory^ as if the grati- 
tude of so many millions, as if the very pride of a generous 
conscience, which would have to blush too deeply to belie itself, 
— were not a sufficient guarantee of your fidelity, of your i>atriot- 
ism, of your virtue! 

Commissioned to form a Constitution for France, I wiU not ask 
whether, with that authority, we did not receive also the power 
to do all that was necessary to complete, establish, and confirm 
that Constitution. I will not ask: Ought we to have lost in pusil- 
lanimous consultations the time of action, while nascent liberty 
would have received her deathblow ? But if gentlemen insist on 
demanding when and how, from simple deputies of bailiwicks, we 
became all at once transformed into a national convention, I re- 
ply: It was on that day, when, finding the hall where we were 
to assemble closed, and bristling and polluted with bayonets, 
we resorted to the first place where we could reunite, to swear 
to perish rather than submit to such an order of things! That 
day, if we were not a national convention, we became one; be- 
came one for the destruction of arbitrary power and for the 
defense of the rights of the nation from all violence. The striv- 
ings of despotism which we have quelled, the perils which we 
have averted, the violence which we have repressed, — these are 
our titles! Our successes have consecrated them; the adhesion, 
so often renewed, of all parts of the Empire, has legitimized and 
sanctified them. Summoned to its task by the irresistible tocsin 
of necessity, our national convention is above all imitation, as it 



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3039 



is above all authority. It is accountable only to itself, and can 
be judged only by posterity. 

Gentlemen, you all remember the instance of that Roman, 
who, to save his country from a dangerous conspiracy, had been 
constrained to overstep the powers conferred on him by the laws. 
A captious tribune exacted of him the oath that he had respected 
those laws; hoping, by this insidious demand, to drive the consul 
to the alternative of perjury or of an embarrassing avowal. 
•Swear,* said the tribune, •that you have observed the laws.* 
•I swear,* replied the great man, — •! swear that I have saved 
the Republic* Gentlemen, I swear that you have saved Prance! 



HIS DEFENSE OF HIMSELF 
(Delivered on Being Suspected of an Alliance with the Coortp May aad, 1790) 

IT WOULD be an important step towards the reconciliation of po- 
litical opponents if they would clearly signify on what points 

they agree, and on what they differ. To this end, friendly dis- 
cussions avail more, far more, than calumnious insinuations, furi- 
ous invectives, the acerbities of partisan rivalry, the machinations 
of intrigue and malevolence. For eight days now it has been 
given out that those members of the National Assembly in favor 
of the provision requiring the concurrence of the royal will for 
the exercise of the right of peace and war are parricides of the 
public liberty. Rumors of perfidy, of corruption, have been 
bruited. Popular vengeance has been invoked to enforce the 
tyranny of opinion; and denunciations have been uttered, as if, on 
a subject involving one of the most delicate and difficult ques- 
tions affecting the organization of society, persons could not dis- 
sent without a crime. What strange madness, what deplorable 
infatuation, is this, which thus incites against one another men 
whom — let debate run never so high — one common object, one 
indestructible sentiment of patriotism, ought always to bring to- 
gether, always to re-unite; but who thus substitute, alas! the 
irascibility of self-love for devotion to the public good, and give 
one another over, without compunction, to the hatred and distrust 
of the people! 

And me, too — me, but the other day, they would have borne 
in triumph; and now they cry in the streets: The great treason 
of the Count of Mirabeau! I needed not this lesson to teach me 



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3040 COMTE DB MIRABBAU 

how short the distance from the capitol to the Tarpeian Rock! 
But the man who battles for reason, for country, does not so 
easily admit that he is vanquished. He who has the conscious- 
ness that he deserves well of that country, and, above all, that he 
is still able to serve her; who disdains a vain celebrity, and prizes 
true glory above the successes of the day; who would speak 
the truth, and labor for the public weal, independently of the 
fluctuations of popular opinion, — such a man carries in his own 
breast the recompense of his services, the solace of his pains, the 
reward of his dangers. The harvest he looks for — the destiny, 
the only destiny, to which he aspires — is that of his good name; 
and for that he is content to trust to time, — to time, that incor- 
ruptible judge, who dispenses justice to all. 

Let those who, for these eight days past, have been ignorantly 
predicting my opinion, — who, at this moment, calumniate my dis- 
course without comprehending it, — let them charge me, if they 
will, with beginning to oflEer incense to the impotent idols I have 
overturned — with being the vile stipendiary of men whom I have 
never ceased to combat; let them denounce as an enemy of the 
Revolution him who at least has contributed so much to its cause 
that his safety, if not his glory, lies in its support; let them de- 
liver over to the rage of a deceived people him who for twenty 
years has warred against oppression in all its forms, — who spoke 
to Frenchmen of liberty, of a Constitution, of resistance, at a 
time when his vile calumniators were sucking the milk of courts, 
— living on those dominant abuses which he denounced. What 
matters it? These underhand attacks shall not stop me in my 
career. I will say to my traducers: Answer if you can, and then 
calumniate to your heart's content! And now I re-enter the lists, 
armed only with my principles and a steadfast conscience. 



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304I 




JAMES MONROE 

(1758-1831) 

|ambs Monroe's address on < Federal Experiments in History,* 
delivered in the Virginia Constitutional Convention of 1788, 
was an argument in favor of federal union, but against the 
Constitution submitted by the Philadelphia Convention. Aside 
from the opinions it expresses, it has a permanent historical value. 
Monroe was bom in Westmoreland County, Virginia, April 28th, 1758. 
After service in the Continental Army, he was elected to the Vir- 
ginia Assembly and to Congress, where he served in both the House 
of Representatives and the Senate. Between 1794 and 1815 he was 
United States Minister to France, Governor of Virginia, one of the 
negotiators of the Louisiana Purchase, United States Minister to Great 
Britain, Secretary of State, and Secretary of War. In 1816 he be- 
came fifth President of the United States. His administration of 
eight years is known as the ^Era of Grood Feeling,^ and is memor- 
able because of the adoption of the policy recommended by him and 
known as the * Monroe Doctrine,* under which the intervention of 
European powers in the affairs of any American Republic is declared 
«the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United 
States.* Monroe died at New York, July 4th, 1831. 



•FEDERAL EXPERIMENTS IN HISTORY* 

(Prom the Speech Delivered in the Virginia Constitutional Convention, 

Jnne loth, 1788) 
Mr, Chairman: — 

1 CANNOT avoid eicpressing the great anxiety which I feel upon 
the present occasion — an anxiety that proceeds not only 
from a high sense of the importance of the subject, but from 
a profound respect for this august and venerable assembly. 
When we contemplate the fate that has befallen other nations, 
whether we cast our eyes back into the remotest ages of an- 
tiquity, or derive instruction from those examples which modem 
times have presented to our view, and observe how prone all 
human institutions have been to decay; how subject the best- 
VIII — 191 



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3043 JAMBS MONROB 

formed and most wisely organized governments have been to lose 
their checks and totally dissolve; how difficult it has been for 
mankind, in all ages and countries, to preserve their dearest 
rights and best privileges, impelled, as it were, by an irresistible 
fate of despotism; — if we look forward to those prospects that 
sooner or later await our country, unless we shall be exempted 
from the fate of other nations, even upon a mind the most san- 
guine and benevolent some gloomy apprehensions must neces- 
sarily crowd. This consideration is sufficient to teach us the 
limited capacity of the himian mind — how subject the wisest 
men have been to error. For my own part, sir, I come forward 
here, not as the partisan of this or that side of the question, but 
to commend where the subject appears to me to deserve com- 
mendation; to suggest my doubts where I have any; to hear 
with candor the explanation of others; and, in the ultimate re- 
sult, to act as shall appear for the best advantage of our com- 
mon country. 

The American States exhibit at present a new and interest- 
ing spectacle to the eyes of mankind. Modem Europe, for more 
than twelve centuries past, has presented to view one of a very 
dijSerent kind. In all the nations of that quarter of the globe, 
there has been a constant e£Eort, on the part of the people, to ex- 
tricate themselves from the oppression of their rulers; but with 
us the object is of a very different nature: to establish the do- 
minion of law over licentiousness; to increase the powers of the 
national government to such extent, and organize it in such 
manner, as to enable it to discharge its duties and manage the 
affairs of the States to the best advantage. There are two 
circumstances remarkable in our colonial settlement: first, the 
exclusive monopoly of our trade; second, that it was settled by the 
Commons of England only. The revolution, in having emanci- 
' pated us from the shackles of Great Britain, has put the entire 
government in the hands of one order of people only — freemen; 
not of nobles and freemen. This is a peculiar trait in the char- 
acter of this revolution. That this sacred deposit may be always 
retained there, is my most earnest wish and fervent prayer. That 
union is the first object for the security of our political hap- 
piness, in the hands of gracious Providence, is well imderstood 
and universally admitted through all the United States. From 
New Hampshire to Georgia (Rhode Island excepted), the people 
have uniformly manifested a strong attachment to the Union. 



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JAMES MONROB 3043 

This attachment has resulted from a persuasion of its utility and 
necessity. In short, this is a point so well known that it is need- 
less to trespass on your patience any longer about it. A recur- 
rence has been had to history. Ancient and modem leagues have 
been mentioned, to make impressions. Will they admit of any 
analogy with our situation ? The same principles will produce 
the same effects. Permit me to take a review of those leagues 
which the honorable gentleman has mentioned; which are, first, the 
Amphictyonic Council; second, the Achaean League; third, the 
Germanic system; fourth, the Swiss cantons; fifth, the United Neth- 
erlands; and, sixth, the New England confederacy. Before I de- 
velop the principles of these leagues, permit me to speak of what 
must influence the happiness and duration of leagues. These 
principles depend on the following circumstances: first, the happy 
construction of the government of the members of the tmion; 
second, the security from foreign danger. For instance, monarch- 
ies united would separate soon; aristocracies Would preserve their 
union longer; but democracies, unless separated by some extraor- 
dinary circumstance, would last forever. The causes of half the 
wars that have thinned the ranks of mankind, and depopulated 
nations, are caprice, folly, and ambition; these belong to the 
higher orders of governments, where the passions of one, or of 
a few individuals, direct the fate of the rest of the community. 
But it is otherwise with democracies, where there is an equality 
among the citizens, and a foreign and powerful enemy, especially 
a monarch, may crush weaker neighbors. Let us see how far 
these positions are supported by the history of these leagues, and 
how far they apply to us. The Amphictyonic Council consisted 
of three members — Sparta, Thebes, and Athens. What was the 
construction of these States ? Sparta was a monarchy more anal- 
ogous to the Constitution of England than aUy I have heard of 
in modem times. Thebes was a democracy, but on different 
principles from modern democracies. Representation was not 
known then. This is the acquirement of modem times. Athens, 
like Thebes, was generally democratic, but sometimes changed. 
In these two States the people transacted their business in per- 
son; consequently, they could not be of any great extent. There 
was a perpetual variance between the members of this confeder- 
acy, and its ultimate dissolution was attributed to this defect 
The weakest were obliged to call for foreign aid, and this pre- 
cipitated the ruin of this confederacy. The Achaean League had 



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3044 JAMES MONROE 

more analogy to onrs, and gives me great hopes that the appre- 
hensions of gentlemen with respect to otir confederacy^e ground- 
less. They were aU democratic, and firmly united. What was 
the e£Eect? The most perfect harmony and friendship subsisted 
among them, and they were very active in guarding their liberties. 
The history of that confederacy does not present us with those 
confusions and internal convulsions which gentlemen ascribe to 
all governments of a confederate kind. The most respectable 
historians prove this confederacy to have been exempt from these 
defects. . . • This league was founded on democratical prin- 
ciples, and, from the wisdom of its structure, continued a far 
greater length of time than any other. Its members, like our 
States, by their confederation, retained their individual sover- 
eignty and enjoyed perfect equality. What destroyed it ? Not 
internal dissensions. They were surrounded by great and power- 
ful nations — the Lacedaemonians, Macedonians, and .£tolians. 
The ^tolians and Lacedaemonians making war on them, they 
solicited the assistance of Macedon, who no sooner gpranted it than 
she became their possessor. To free themselves from the tyranny 
of the Macedonians, they prayed succor from the Romans, who, 
after relieving them from their oppressors, soon totally enslaved 
them. 

The Grermanic body is a league of independent principalities. 
It has no analogy to our system. It is very injudiciously organ- 
ized. Its members are kept together by the fear of danger from 
one another, and from foreign powers, and by the influence of 
the Emperor. 

The Swiss cantons have been instanced, also, as a proof of 
the natural imbecility of federal governments. Their league has 
sustained a variety of changes; and, notwithstanding the many 
causes that tend to disunite them, they still stand firm. We have 
not the same causes of disunion or internal variiince that they 
have. The individual cantons composing the league are chiefly 
aristocratic. What an opportunity does this offer to foreign 
powers to disturb them by bribing and corrupting their aristo- 
crats! It is well known that their services have been frequently 
purchased by foreign nations. Their difference of religion has 
been a source of divisions and animosity among them, and tended 
to disunite them. This tendency has been considerably increased 
by the interference of foreign nations, the contiguity of their po- 
sition to those nations rendering such interference easy. They 



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JAMES MONROE 3045 

have been kept together by the fear of those nations, and the 
nature of their association; the leading features of which are a 
principle of equality between the cantons, and the retention of 
individual sovereignty. The same reasoning applies nearly to 
the United Netherlands. The other confederacy which has been 
mentioned has no kind of analogy td our situation. 

From a review of these leagues, we find the causes of the 
misfortunes of those which have been dissolved to have been a 
dissimilarity of structure in the individual members, the facility 
of foreign interference, and recurrence to foreign aid. After this 
review of those leagues, if we consider our comparative situation, 
we shall find that nothing can be adduced from any of them to 
warrant a departure from a confederacy to a consolidation, on 
the principle of inefficacy in the former to secure our happiness. 
The causes which, with other nations, rendered leagues ineffect- 
ual and inadequate to the security and happiness of the people, 
do not exist here. What is the form of our State governments? 
They are all similar in their structure — perfectly democratic. 
The freedom of mankind has found an asylum here which it 
could find nowhere else. Freedom of conscience is enjoyed here 
in the fullest degree. Our States are not disturbed by a con- 
trariety of religious opinions and other causes of quarrels which 
other nations have. They have no causes of internal variance. 
Causes of war between the States have been represented in all 
those terrors which splendid genius and brilliant imagination' can 
so well depict. But, sir, I conceive they are imaginary, — mere 
creatures of fancy. 



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3046 




COMTE DE MONTALEMBERT 

(CHARLES FORBES DE MONTALEMBERT) 

(1810-1870) 

Thoroughly sympathizing with Lamennais and Lacordaire in 
their desire to make the Catholic Church the leader of nine- 
teenth-centnry progress, Montalembert began his career as 
an orator at the age of twenty-one, as a champion of freedom of edu- 
cation, defending himself before the French Chamber of Peers. At 
that time the attempt was made in France to establish strict govern- 
ment regtilations of all schools, public and private. Montalembert 
joined with others in establishing an unauthorized school in order to 
compel public attention to the injustice and impolicy of the sjrsteoL 
He expected to be arrested and was arrested for his offense against 
the statute. Becoming one of the peers of France on the death of 
his father, he was tried before the Chamber of Peers where he de- 
livered the first of the speeches which made him celebrated. The 
work of his life was the attempt to reconcile liberty and authority in 
State and in Church. He was bom May 29th, 18 10, and died March 
13th, 1870, after a life of the highest and most beneficent activity as 
an orator, pamphleteer, and historian. 



FOR FREEDOM OF EDUCATION 

(Prom an Address Delivered before the Chamber of Peers in Paris in Z851, 
when Montalembert (Aged Twenty-One) Was Arrested with Lacotdaiie 
for Teaching an Unauthorized School) 

I KNOW that by myself I am nothing. I am but as a child; and 
I feel myself so young, so inexperienced, so obscure, that 
nothing less than the recollection of the great cause of which 
I am here the humble champion could encourage me. Btit I am 
happy in possessing a recollection of words pronounced for the 
same cause in this very place by my father. And I am sus- 
tained by the conviction that this is a question of life and death 
for the majority of Frenchmen, — for twenty-five millions who 
hold the same religious faith as myself; and by the unanimous 



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COMTB DB MONTALEMBBRT 



3047 



cry of Prance for freedom of teaching; and by the written wishes 
of those fifteen thousand Frenchmen whose petition we have our- 
selves carried to the other Chamber; and by the rights of thou- 
sands of families whose offspring are springing up in a region 
which arbitrary legislation has made a desert; — in one word, by 
the image of a cruel past to atone for, and an invaluable future 
to assert, and, above all, by the name I bear, — that name which 
is as great as the world, the name of Catholic. I have all these 
principles to sustain me when I thus appear before you; and I 
require to remind myself of these great arguments, not only to 
give me courage, but to convince my judges that I have not 
been guided in what I have done by any inspiration of vanity, 
or any thirst for distinction. It is sufficiently well known that 
the career on which I have entered is not of a nature to satisfy 
an ambition which seeks political honors and places. The powers 
of the present age, both in government and in opposition, are, by 
the grace of heaven, equally hostile to Catholics. There is an- 
other ambition not less devouring, perhaps not less culpable, 
which aspires to reputation, and which is content to buy that at 
any price; that, too, I disavow like the other. No one can be 
more conscious than I am of the disadvantages with which a pre- 
cocious publicity surrounds youth, and none can fear them more. 
But there is still in the world something which is called faith, — 
it is not dead in aU minds; it is to this that I have early given 
my heart and my life. My life — a man's life — is always, and 
especially to-day, a poor thing enough; but this poor thing, con- 
secrated to a great and holy cause, may grow with it; and when 
a man has made to such a cause the sacrifice of his future, I be- 
lieve that he ought to shrink from none of its consequences, none 
of its dangers. 

It is in the strength of this conviction that I appear to-day 
for the first time in an assembly of men. I know too well that 
at my age one has neither antecedents nor experience; but at 
™7 ^g^9 ^ &t every other, one has duties and hopes. I have 
determined, for my part, to be faithful to both. 



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3048 



COMTB DB MONTALEMBBRT 



DEVOTION TO FREEDOM 



(From a Speech Delivered in the French Chamber of Peers, in January 1848, 
on the Troubles in Switzerland) 

1HOLD for my part that the conflict in Switzerland has not been 
against the Jesuits, nor for and against the sovereignty of 

cantons. The battle has been against you, and for you. That 
is to say, a wild, intolerant, unregulated, and hypocritical liberty 
has combated that true, sincere, orderly, tolerant, and lawful 
freedom of which you are the representatives and defenders in 
the world. What was in question on the other side of the Jura 
was neither the Jesuits nor the independence of cantons; it was 
order, European peace, the security of the world and of France; 
and these have been vanquished, smothered, crushed, at our very 
doors, by men who ask no better than to throw the burning 
brands of discord, anarchy, and war from the Alps and the Jura 
into our midst Thus I do not speak for the vanquished, but to 
the vanquished, vanquished myself, — that is to say, to the repre- 
sentatives of social order, rule, and liberalism which have just 
been overcome in Switzerland and which are threatened through- 
out Europe by a new invasion of the barbarians. . . . 

Last year at this time, about this same day, I denounced at 
this tribune, in the midst of the marks of your sympathy and 
indulgence, a similar crime, the incorporation and confiscation of 
Cracovia; and to-day I am again called upon to denounce an 
unworthy violation, not only of the right of treaties, of that polit- 
ical rigfht which I respect and esteem, but of a right superior to 
all others, the right of men, of nature, and of humanity, if I may 
use an expression common to the present time. The crime is 
the same to my eyes. Last year the last remnant of the Polish 
nation was in question; this year it is the cradle of European 
freedom which is the victim of a similar attack. But last year 
the attempt was made by absolute monarchies, and this year it 
is committed by pretended Liberals, who at bottom are tyrants 
of the worst class. What we have witnessed was the same then 
as now — the abuse of force, the suffocation of liberty and right 
by brutal and impious violence — the violence of pledged faith, 
the reign of the greater number, the assumption by Force of 
Falsehood as its arms and attire. . . . 



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COMTB DS MONTALEMBBRT 30^^ 

There is, however, when I consider these two crimes, a differ- 
ence which I cannot here indicate. The crime of last year, a 
crime of force, was committed in the name of force. This year 
the crime is that of despotism, with the addition of hypocrisy, 
for it is committed in the name of freedom. To my eyes, this 
odious lie aggravates the offense, and makes it ten times more 
worthy of your indignation and contempt. 

Believe me, gentlemen, I do not come here to complain of 
religious or Catholic grievances. Yes, Catholicism has been as- 
sailed in Switzerland, as all the world knows; but all the world 
knows also that the wounds and defeats of religion are never in- 
curable or irreparable, and that at bottom her business is to be 
wounded, persecuted, and oppressed. She suffers, but only for a 
time. She is soon healed and raised up — and out of these trials 
issues continually more radiant and stronger than ever. But do 
you know what it is which does not recover so easily, and which 
cannot with impunity be exposed to such attacks? It is order, 
peace, and, above all, freedom. This is the cause which I come 
to plead before you. 

Let no one say, as certain generous but blind spirits have 
said, that radicalism is the exaggeration of liberalism; no, it is 
its antipodes, its extreme opposite. Radicalism is nothing more 
than an exaggeration of despotism; and never had despotism 
taken a more odious form. Liberty is reasonable and voluntary 
toleration; radicalism is the absolute intolerance, which is arrested 
only by the impossible. Liberty imposes unusual sacrifices on 
none; radicalism cannot put up with a thought, a word, even a 
prayer, contrary to its will. Liberty consecrates the right of 
minorities; radicalism absorbs and annihilates them. To say 
everything in one word, liberty is respect for mankind, while 
radicalism is scorn of mankind pushed to its highest degree. 
No; never Muscovite despot, never Eastern tyrant, has despised 
his fellows as they are despised by those radical clubbists, who 
gag their vanquished adversaries in the name of liberty and 
equality! 

No man can have more right than I have to proclaim this 
distinction, for I defy any man to love liberty more than I have 
done. And here it must be said, I do not accept, either as a 
reproach or as praise, the opinion expressed of me by the min- 
ister for foreign affairs, that I was exclusively devoted to relig- 
ious liberty. No, no, gentlemen; that to which I am devoted 



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3050 COMTE DE MONTALEMBERT 

is liberty itself, the liberty of all and in everything. This I 
have always defended, always proclaimed; I who have written so 
much, spoken so much, — too much, I acknowledge, — I defy any 
man to find a single word fallen from my pen or from my lips 
which has not been devoted to the cause of freedom. Freedom: 
ah! I can speak without seeking fine expressions. She has been 
the idol of my soul; if I have anything to reproach myself with, 
it is that I have loved her too much, that I have loved her as 
one loves when one is young, without measure, without limit. 
But I neither reproach myself for this, nor do I regret it; I will 
continue to serve Freedom, to love her always, to believe in her 
always; and I can never love her more nor serve her better than 
when I force myself to pluck off the mask worn by her enemies, 
who wear her colors and who seiase her flag in order to soil and 
dishonor it! 



«DEO ET C^SARI PIDELIS» 
(Prom a Speech in 1849 to the Breton Electors at Saint-Brieuc) 

I HAVE labored for nearly twenty years to make a reconciliation 
between religion and liberty, which had been separated by a 
fatal misunderstanding. Now that this is happily and irrev- 
ocably consummated, I desire to dedicate myself to another rec- 
onciliation, to another union — to the union of men of honor and 
feeling (hommes de cceur et d*honneur)^ of all opinions in that one 
great honest moderate party which is the strength and safety of 
France. In all the ancient parties there are men capable of un- 
derstanding each other, of appreciating each other, and of fight- 
ing side by side against the common enemy. We must regulate 
and discipline this union, of which the recent election in the 
C6tes-du-Nord has been the expression, and the present govern- 
ment the result. The government, in harmony with the majority 
of the National Assembly, has constantly defended, and continnes 
daily to defend, three great and holy things, . . • religion, 
property, and family rights. We are told that these are com- 
monplaces. Do not believe it, gentlemen. They are only com- 
monplaces when the foundations of social order cease to be 
threatened or undermined by minorities which are sometimes 
audacious and sometimes hypocritical. The government which 
we have supported has rendered signal service to all three. To 



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COMTE DE MONTALEMBERT 3051 

religion, by replacing the Sovereign Pontiff upon his throne, and 
by disengaging the French Republic from all connection with a 
republic of assassins. To property, by maintaining all acquired 
rights; by confirming the permanency of the magistracy, the guard- 
ian of laws and contracts; and by repealing all subversive in- 
novations. And, finally, to the family, by that law on education 
which you will pardon my reference to, because it is the object 
of my constant solicitude, and because it is at present exposed 
to the injurious criticism of the discontented and exaggerated of 
all parties. I am neither its author nor its responsible promul- 
gator, but I defend it because it ofiEers the basis of an excellent 
compromise, of an honorable peace for all. I have fought long, 
and more than any other, for this great cause; but I fought only 
with the hope of arriving at a worthy and fruitful peace, in 
which the right alone should have the victory, and in which no 
man should be humiliated. 



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30S2 




JAMES MONTGOMERY 

(1776-1854) 

|ames Montgomery, thongh more celebrated as a poet than for 
his eloquence, delivered in 1830 and 1831 a series of ad- 
dresses on < General Literature and Poetry, > which, even if 
their highest excellence is not always sustained, contain many pas- 
sages which are models of English prose worthy to rank with the 
literary addresses of Peel and Macaulay. He was bom in Ayreshire, 
Scotland, November 4th, 1776. He began his literary career in the 
office of the Sheffield Register in 1792. The first poems which made 
him any considerable reputation were published in 1806. Other works 
were published: <The West Indies, > in 18 10; <The World before the 
Flood,^ in 1812; ^ Greenland,^ in 1819; < Pelican Island*^ in 1826; and 
his < Addresses before the Royal Institution, > in 1833. He died April 
30th, 1854. 



MODERN ENGLISH LITERATURE 

(Prom < Addresses on General Literature and Poetry,> Delivered at the Royal 
Institution in 1830 and 1831) 

THE discovery of the mariner's compass, the invention of print- 
ing, the revival of classic learning, the Reformation, with all 
the great moral, commercial, political, and intellectual conse- 
quences of these new means, materials, and motives for action 
and thought, produced corresponding effects upon literature and 
science. With the progress of the former alone, in our own coun- 
try, have we to do at present. 

From the reign of Elizabeth to the protectorate of Cromwell, 
inclusively, there rose in phalanx, and continued in succession, 
minds of all orders, and hands for all work, in poetry, philosophy, 
history, and theology, which have bequeathed to posterity such 
treasures of what may be called genuine English literature, that 
whatever may be the ti?ansmigrations of taste, the revolutions of 
style, and the fashions in popular reading, these will ever be the 
sterling standards. The translation of the Scriptures, settled by 



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JAMES MONTGOMERY 3053 

authority, and which, for reasons that need not be discussed here, 
can never be materially changed, — consequently can never be- 
come obsolete, — has secured perpetuity to the youth of the Eng- 
lish tongue; and whatever may befall the works of writers in it 
from other causes, they are not likely to be antiquated in the 
degree that has been foretold by one whose own imperishable 
strains would for centuries have delayed the fulfillment of his 
disheartening prophecy, even if it were to be fulfilled: — 

* Our sons their fathers' failing language see. 
And such as Chaucer is shall Dryden be.* 

Now it is clear that unless the language be improved or deteri- 
orated far beyond anything that can be anticipated from the slight 
variations which have taken place within the last two hundred 
years, compared with the two hundred years preceding, Dryden 
cannot become what Chaucer is; especially since there seems to 
be a necessity laid upon all generations of Englishmen to under- 
stand, as the fathers of their mother tongue, the great authors of 
the age of Elizabeth, James I., and Charles I.: from Spenser 
(though much of his poetry is willfully obscured by affected 
phraseology) and Shakespeare (the idolatry to whose name will 
surely never permit its divinity to die) to Milton, whose style 
cannot fall into decay while there is talent or sensibility among 
his countrymen to appreciate his writings. It may be confidently 
inferred that the English language will remain subject to as lit- 
tle mutation as the ItaUan has been since works of enduring ex- 
cellence were first produced in it; the prose of Boccaccio and the 
verse of Dante, so far as dialect is concerned, are as well under- 
stood by the common people of their country, at this day, as the 
writings of Chaucer and Gower are by the learned in ours. 

Had no works of transcendent originality been produced within 
the last hundred and fifty years, it may be imagined that such 
fluctuations might have occurred as would have rendered our 
language as different from what it was when Milton flourished, 
as it then was from what it had been in the days of Chaucer; 
with this reverse, that, during the latter, it must have degener- 
ated as much as it had been refined during the earlier interval. 
But the standard of our tongue having been fixed at an era when 
it was rich in native idioms, full of pristine vigor, and pliable 
almost as much as sound articulate can be to sense, — and that 
standard having been fixed in poetry, the most permanent and 



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3054 JAMES MONTGOMERY 

perfect of all forms of literature, — as well as in the version of 
the Scriptures which are necessarily the most popular species of 
reading, — no very considerable changes can be aflfected, except 
Britain were again exposed to invasion as it was wont to be of 
old; and the modem Saxons or Norwegians were thus to subvert 
both our government and our language, and either utterly ex- 
tinguish the latter, or assimilate it with their own. 

Contemporary with Milton, though his jimior, and belonging 
to a subsequent era of literattu-e, of which he became the great 
luminary and master-spirit, was Dryden. His prose (not less ad- 
mirable than his verse), in its structure and cadence, in compass 
of expression, and general freedom from cumbersome pomp, ped- 
antic restraint, and vicious quaintness, which more or less charac- 
teris&ed his predecessors, became the favorite model in that species 
of composition which was happily followed and highly improved 
by Addison, Johnson, and other periodical writers of the last 
century. These, to whom must be added the triumvirate of 
British historians, Hume, Robertson, and Gibbon, who exemplified, 
in their very dissimilar styles, the triple contrast and harmony of 
simplicity, elegance, and splendor, — these illustrious names in 
prose are so many pledges that the language in which they immor- 
talized their thoughts is itself immortalized by being made the 
vehicle of these, and can never become barbarian like Chaucer's 
uncouth, rugged, incongruous medley of sounds, which are as 
remote from the strength, volubility, and precision of those em- 
ployed by his polished successors as the imperfect lispings of 
infancy before it has learned to pronounce half the alphabet, and 
imitates the letters which it cannot pronounce, with those which 
it can, are to the clear, and round, and eloquent intonations of 
youth, when the voice and the ear are perfectly formed and at- 
tuned to each other. . . . 

If the literature of the Middle Ages were principally composed 
of crude, enormous, indigestible masses, fitted only to monkish 
appetites, that could gorge iron like ostriches, when iron was cast 
into the shape of thought, or thought assumed the nature of iron, 
the literature of the present day is entirely the reverse, and so 
are all the circumstances connected with it. Then there were 
few readers, and fewer writers; now there are many of both; and 
among those that really deserve the name of the former, it would 
he diflScult to ascertain the relative proportion of the latter, for 
most of them in one way or another might be classed with 



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JAMES MONTGOBiERY 3055 

"Writers. The vehicles, opportunities, and temptations of pubKsh- 
ing are so frequent, so easy and inexpensive, that a man can 
scarcely be connected with intelligent society, without being se- 
duced, in some frail moment, to try how his thoughts will look 
in print: then, for a second or two at least, he feels as the 
greatest genius in the world feels on the same occasion, laudum 
immensa cupido^ a longing after immortality that mounts into a 
hope — a hope that becomes a conviction of the power of realiz- 
ing itself in all the glory of ideal reality, than which no actual 
reality ever afterward is half so enchantingly enjoyed. 

Hence the literature of our time is commensurate with the 
tmiversality of education; nor is it less various than universal to 
meet capacities of all sizes, minds of all acquirements, and tastes 
of every degree. Books are multiplied on every subject on which 
anything or nothing can be said, from the most abstruse and rec- 
ondite to the most simple and puerile: and while the passion of 
book jobbers is to make the former as familiar as the latter by 
royal ways to all the sciences, there is an equally perverse rage 
among genuine authors to make the latter as august and impos- 
ing as the former, by disguising commonplace topics with the 
coloring of imagination, and adorning the most insignificant 
themes with all the pomp of verse. This degradation of the 
high, an exaltation of the low, this dislocation, in fact, of every- 
thing, is one of the most striking proofs of the extraordinary 
diffusion of knowledge, — and of its corruption too, — if not a 
symptom of its declension by being so heterogeneously blended, 
till all shall be neutralized. Indeed, when millions of intellects, 
of as many different dimensions and as many different degrees of 
culture, are perpetually at work, and it is almost as easy to speak 
as to think, and to write as to speak, there must be a proportion- 
ate quantity of thought put into circulation. 

Meanwhile, public taste, pampered with delicacies even to 
loathing, and stimulated to stupidity with excessive excitement, is 
at once ravenous and mawkish — gratified with nothing but nov- 
elty, nor with novelty itself for more than an hour. To meet 
this diseased appetite, in prose not less than in verse, a factitious 
kind of the marvelous has been invented, consisting, not in the 
exhibition of supernatural incidents or heroes, but in such distor- 
tion, high coloring, and exaggeration of natural incidents and or- 
dinary personages, by the artifices of style and the audacity of 
sentiment employed upon them, as shall produce that sensation 



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JAMES MONTGOMERY 



of wonder in which half -instructed minds delight This prepos- 
terous eflFort at display may be traced through every walk of 
polite literature, and in every channel of publication; nay, it 
would hardly be venturing too far to say that every popular au- 
thor is occasionally a juggler, rope-dancer, or posture-maker, in 
this way, to propitiate those of his readers who will be pleased 
with nothing less than feats of legerdemain in the exercises of 
the pen. 



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30S7 




DWIGHT L MOODY 

(1837-) 

^R. Moody is one of the most effective extemporaneons speak- 
ers of his generation. Knowing nothing of rhetoric and 
attempting none of the graces of expression* he speaks di- 
rectly to the hearts of his audience that which comes most freely 
from his own. Before a severely critical audience of merely intel- 
lectual people, he might be a failure; but wherever earnestness is 
respected and the ability which it gives is recognized, he never fails 
to compel admiration and sympathy, even if he does not overcome 
dissent. Always more anxious to help others than to magnify him- 
self, he has had perhaps a direct personal influence on others greater 
than any other evangelist of his generation. He was bom at North- 
field, Massachusetts, February 5th, 1837. His work as an evangelist 
began in Chicago about 1856, but it was not until the series of re- 
vivals which he conducted in association with Ira D. Sankey, between 
1873 and 1883, in the United States and Great Britain, that he became 
celebrated. He has used his great influence as an evangelist to build 
up such religious and educational institutions as the Bible Institute 
founded by him in Chicago, the School of Christian Workers at 
Northfield, and The Young Men's Christian Association. 



ON DANIEL AND THE VALUE OF CHARACTER 
(From a Sermon Delivered January 21st, 1880) 

OH, YOUNG man, character is worth more than money, char- 
acter is worth more than anything else in this wide world. 
I would rather have it said of me in my old age than to 
have a monument of pure gold built over my dead body reaching 
from earth to heaven, — I would rather have it said that ^they 
could find no occasion against him except it be touching the law 
of his God,* than to have all this world can give. 

Daniel commenced to shine in his early manhood, and he 
shone right along. Now he is an old man — an old statesman, 
and yet this is their testimony: There was no giving up of prin- 
ciple for votes; no buying of men's votes; no counting in or 
VIII — 192 



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DWIGHT L. MOODY 



counting out. There was none of that. He had walked right 
straight along. He had been upright, and they could find no oc- 
casion against him * except it be touching the law of his God.* 

How many men there are in this audience that are ashamed 
to be caught on their knees! There is many a man who, if 
found upon his knees by the wife of his bosom, will jump right 
up and walk around the room as if he hadn't any particular ob- 
ject in view. Don't laugh at yourselves; be careful about that 
There is many a man who hasn't got the moral courage to get 
dovm upon his knees to pray; he is ashamed to do it. How 
many yotmg men have come up to the city and have had room- 
mates that they were ashamed to pray before; how many 
young men have been ashamed to do this and have let down at 
the start because they were ashamed to pray; they hadn't the 
moral courage to be seen on their knees. Ah, the fact is, we are 
a pack of cowards — that's what we are! Shame on the Christ- 
ianity of the nineteenth century; it's a weak and sickly thing. 
Would to God we had a few men like Daniel living here to-day! 

So Daniel went to his room three times a day; and he trod 
that path so that the grass didn't grow in it. I venture to say 
that they knew where he was going to pray; they knew well he 
wouldn't deviate a bit; he went as aforetime to pray, and his 
windows were up. See him as he falls upon his knees. But 
there are some men out there under those windows; those one 
hundred and twenty princes had taken good care of that; they 
had their men there; they wanted to get two witnesses to the 
fact; and if there had been any reporters in that day, how anx- 
ious they would have been to have got that prayer; and they 
would have had it telegraphed all over the world inside of twenty- 
four hours. They would have been very anxious to get it. 
There was great excitement in Babylon then; all Babylon knew 
that this prophet was not going to deviate. They knew very 
well that this old statesman was a man of iron will and that he 
was not going to yield. The lions' den was nothing to him. 
He had rather be with God in the lions' den than out of it 
without God. And it is a thousand times better, my friends, to 
be in the lions' den with God, and have principle, than to be out 
and to have money without principle. I pity those men who have 
got their money dishonestly; I pity those men who have got their 
positions in life dishonestly; I pity any politician who has got 



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DWIGHT L. MOODY 



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his office dishonestly. Ah! how his conscience will lash him at 
times! It doesn't pay; it pays to be true. It is best to be honest 
if we don't have as much money, or don't have position in this 
world; it is best to have God with us and to know that we are 
right. . . . 

I can imagine I see that old man praying, and these men are 
down there listening. Listen, and see if he prays now to Darius: 
•Oh, thou God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob; thou God of 
our fathers,^ and so he went on and prayed to the God of 
Heaven; and before he got through he prayed for Darius, but he 
didn't pray to him. I venture to say that that man was worth 
more than any other Darius had in his empire; yes, worth more 
than forty thousand men that wanted to get him out of the way. 
He was true to the King. He prayed for him; he loved him, 
and he did everything he could for that King that did not con- 
flict with the law of his God. 

But now they hasten away to Darius: ^O King, live forever; 
do you Imow there is a man in your empire that will not obey 
you?* 

•No,* cries the monarch, •is there?* 

•Yes; there is a man who has refused to call upon you.* 

• Who is it ? * cries the King. 

•Why, it is that Hebrew that you put over us.* And the 
moment they mentioned that man's name, you can see a frown 
upon the King's brow, and it flashes into his mind: •Why, I 
have made a mistake; I never ought to have signed that decree. 
I might have known that Daniel would never call upon me; 1 
know very well whom he serves; he serves the God of his 
fathers. I have made a mistake.* 

Darius loved Daniel, and he sought in his heart to deliver 
him; he tried all day to deliver him and save the law. But he 
didn't love him quite as much as your Darius loved you; he 
didn't love him quite as much as Christ loved us; for if he had 
he would have gone into the lions' den for him and kept the 
law. But now at the going down of the sim, he has to give up, 
and he says to his officers: •Go and take him.* 

And you can see those men going out to bind that old man 
with white hair; they bind his hands, and you can see those 
Chaldean soldiers as they take that secretary of state captive; 
that highest and noblest statesman that nation ever had*; they 
guard him along through the streets of Babylon ofiE towards the 



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DWIGHT L. MOODY 



lions' den. Look at him as with a firm step and steady tread 
the light of heaven shines upon him. All heaven is interested 
in that man. He is the most popular man in heaven there is 
down here upon the earth; how the angels are deUghted with 
him; how they love him up there; he had stood firm; he had not 
deviated; he had not turned away from the God of the Bible, 
and he walks like a giant to the lions' den, and they cast him in. 
They put a great stone at the mouth of the den, and the King 
puts his seal upon it, — and the law is kept. 

But if you had been in the King's palace that night, you 
would have seen one man in Babylon in great trouble. Darius 
didn't have his musicians brought in that night; he didn't want 
any music; away with music and singing; he felt troubled; he 
didn't sleep that night; there was no feast that night; he couldn't 
eat anything; the servants brought him in food, but he had no 
taste for it; he had put in that den of lions the best man in his 
kindgom, and he upbraided himself for it He said to himself: 
*How could I have been a party to such an act as that?* But 
-if you had looked into the lions' den, you would have found a 
man as calm as a summer evening. Perhaps, when the time 
came for him to pray, he prayed as aforetime, and if he could 
get the points of the compass in that den, he prayed with his 
;face toward Jerusalem. He loved that city, he loved the Tem- 
ple, and with his face toward that city he prayed; and when the 
time came to sleep, perhaps, he took one of the lions for a pil- 
low and lay down to sleep, and slept as soundly as any man in 
Babylon. 

But early the next morning, it says — and I can imagine it 
was before the sun was up, just in the gray dawn of the morn- 
ing — some of the men of Babylon heard the wheels of the King's 
chariot rolling over the pavements, and King Darius was seen 
driving in great haste to the lions' den; and he went to the den 
and cried out: *0 Daniel, is thy God whom thou servest contin- 
ually able to deliver thee from the mouths of the lions ?• Hark! 
he hears a voice down there in the lions' den: ^My God has sent 
his angels, and they have shut the lions' mouths.* And the King 
says: *Take him out of the den,* and I suppose the King took 
Daniel, and they went back to the palace, and then Daniel break- 
fasted with the King, and there were two happy men in Babylon 
that morning. ^My God has sent his angels, and stopped the 
mouths of the lions.* They couldn't harm him. The very hairs 



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DWIGHT L. MOODY 



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of his head were numbered. I tell you whenever a man stands 
by God, God will stand by him. It was a good deal better for 
him not to deviate. Oh, how his name shines! What a blessed 
character! 

I would like to have time to go on further. In his old age, 
before he left the earth, Gabriel was sent down from the pres- 
ence of Grod to tell him that he was greatly beloved. It was the 
first visit Gabriel ever made to the earth that is recorded. ^A 
man greatly beloved.* And in the closing of the book it says: 
• They that be wise shall shine as the brightness of the firmament, 
and they that turn many to righteousness as the stars forever 
and ever.* Oh, may Grod help you and me to go out and win 
men to Christ that we may shine in the kingdom by and by! 
He will be back here by and by. Yes, with Daniel, we shall 
greet him by and by. He is one of the grand characters that I 
want to see when I get yonder. And to be associated with such 
a man as that; to be with him; to reign with him and with our 
Master — Oh, what a privilege! 

Yotmg man, let us come out from the world; let us trample 
it tmder our feet; let us be true to God; let us keep step and 
make the fight for our king, and our crowning time shall come 
by and by. Yes, the reward shall come by and by, and it may 
be said of us: *0 man greatly beloved.* 



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3062 




SIR THOMAS MORE 

(1478-1535) 

[iR Thomas More, author of < Utopia' and correspondent of 
Erasmus, was one of the best and greatest of the great men 
of England in the age of the Tudors. He was the son of 
Sir John More, a London barrister, who placed him at thirteen years 
of age in the service of the Archbishop of Canterbury. In 1492 he 
entered the University of Oxford and improved his time so well that 
in 1497, when he met Erasmus, then on a visit to England* he won 
the friendship of that celebrated scholar and retained it through life. 
He entered Parliament in 1504 and rose in favor until in 1521 he 
became Subtreasurer to the King; in 1523, Speaker of the House of 
Commons; and in 1529, the successor of Wolsey as Chancellor. A 
zealous Catholic, he opposed Luther and Tyndale to the great satis- 
faction of Henry VIII., who, however, sent him to the scaffold with 
characteristic promptness after convicting him of high treason when 
he refused to recognize the validity of the divorce of Catherine of 
Aragon. More's speech at his trial and his conduct at his execution 
on Tower Hill, July 6th, 1535, vindicating the death to which he was 
condemned by ^the just necessity of his cause for the discharge of 
his conscience,* reflect credit on universal human nature, which is 
honored by such martyrs, whether they are Catholic or Protestant 



HIS SPEECH WHEN ON TRIAL FOR LIFE 
(Delivered at His Trial, 1535) 

WHEN I consider the length of my accusation, and what hei- 
nous matters are laid to my charge, I am struck with 
fear lest my memory and understanding, which are both 
impaired, together with my bodily health, through a long indis- 
position, contracted by my imprisonment, should now fail me so 
far as to make me incapable of making such ready answers in 
my defense as otherwise I might have done. This, my indict- 
ment, if I mistake not, consists of four principal heads, each of 
which I purpose, God willing, to answer in order. As to the 



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SIR THOMAS MORS 



3063 



first crime objected against me, that I have been an enemy out 
of stubbornness of mind to the King's second marriage, I confess 
I always told his Majesty my opinion of it, according to the 
dictates of my conscience, which I neither ever would, nor ought 
to have concealed; for which I am so far from thinking myself 
guilty of high treason, that, on the contrary, being required to 
give my opinion by so great a prince in an afEair of so much 
importance, upon which the peace of the kingdom depended, I 
should have basely flattered him and my own conscience had I not 
spoken the truth as I thought; then, indeed, I might justly have 
been esteemed a most wicked subject and a perfidious traitor to 
God. If I have offended the king herein, — if it can be an offense 
to tell one's mind freely when his sovereign puts the question to 
him, — I suppose I have been sufficiently punished already for the 
fault by the great afflictions I have endured, by the loss of my 
estate, and my tedious imprisonment which has continued already 
near fifteen months. 

The second charge against me is that I have violated the act 
made in the last Parliament, that is, being a prisoner, and twice 
examined, I would not, out of malignant, perfidious, obstinate, 
and traitorous mind, tell them my opinion, whether the king was 
supreme head of the Church or not, but confessed then that I 
had nothing to do with that act, as to the justice or injustice of 
it, because I had no benefice in the Church; yet I then protested 
that I had never said or done anything against it; neither can 
any one word or action of mine be alleged, or produced, to make 
me culpable. Nay, this I own was then my answer to their 
honors, that I would think of nothing else hereafter but of the 
bitter passions of our blessed Savior and of my exit out of this 
miserable world. I wish nobody any harm, and if this does not 
keep me alive, I desire not to live. By all which I know, I 
would not transgress any law, or become guilty of any treason- 
able crime; for this statute, nor no other law in the world, can 
punish any man for his silence, seeing they can do no more than 
punish words or deeds; 'tis God only that is the judge of the 
secrets of our hearts. 

Attorney — Sir Thomas, though we have not one word or deed 
of yours to object against you, yet we have your silence, which 
is an evident sign of the malice of your heart, because no duti- 
ful subject, being lawfully asked this question, will refuse to 
answer it 



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2o54 ^^^ THOMAS MORS 

Sir Thomas More — Sir, my silence is no sign of any malice 
in my heart, which the Eling himself must own by my conduct 
upon divers occasions; neither doth it convince any man of the 
breach of the law; for it is a maxim amongst the civilians and 
canonists, Qui tacet consentire videtur^ — he that holds his peace 
seems to give his consent, — and as to what yon say, that no good 
subject will refuse to give a direct answer, I do really think it 
to be the duty of every good subject, except he be such a sub- 
ject as will be a bad Christian, rather to obey God than man, to 
be more cautious to offend his conscience than of anything else 
in the whole world, especially if his conscience be not the occa- 
sion of some sedition and great injury to his prince and country, 
for I do sincerely protest that I never revealed it to any man 
alive. 

I come now to the third principal article in my indictment, by 
which I am accused of malicious attempts, traitorous endeavors, 
and perfidious practices against that statute, as the words therein 
do allege, because I wrote while in the Tower divers packets of let- 
ters to Bishop Fisher, whereby I exhorted him to violate the same 
law, and encouraged him in the like obstinacy. I do insist that 
these letters be produced and read in court, by which I may be 
either acquitted or convinced of a lie ; but because you say the 
Bishop burnt them all, I will here tell you the whole truth of 
the matter: some of my letters related only to our private affairs, 
as about our old friendship and acquaintance; one of them was 
in answer to his, wherein he desired, me to let him know what 
answers I made upon my examinations concerning the oath of 
supremacy, and what I wrote to him upon it was this, that I had 
already settled my conscience, and let him satisfy his according 
to his own mind. God is my witness, and as I hope he will save 
my soul, I gave him no other answer, and this, I presume, is no 
breach of the laws. 

As to the principal crime objected against me, that I should 
say upon my examination in the Tower, that this law was like a 
two-edged sword: for, in consenting to it, I should endanger my 
soul, and, in rejecting it, would lose my life. It is evidently con- 
cluded, as you say, from this answer, because Bishop Fisher made 
the like, that he was in the same conspiracy. To this I reply 
that my answer there was conditional; if there were both dan- 
ger in allowing or disallowing that act, and therefore, like a two- 
edged sword, it seemed a hard thing it should be put upon me. 



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SIR THOMAS MORS 



y>^s 



who had never hitherto contradicted it either in word or deed; 
these were my words. What the Bishop answered I Imow not; if 
his answer was like mine, it did not proceed from any conspiracy 
of ours, but from the similitude of our learning and understand- 
ing. To conclude, I do sincerely avouch that I never spoke a 
word against this law to any man living, though perhaps the 
King's Majesty has been told to the contrary. 

[^ There was little or no reply made to this full answer by Mr. Attorney, 
or anybody else; the word « malice » was what was principally insisted on, and 
in the mouths of the whole court, though for proof of it nobody could produce 
either words or actions; nevertheless, to set the best gloss that could be upon 
the matter, Mr. Rich was called to give evidence, in open court, upon oath, 
which he immediately did, affirming what we have already related, concerning 
a conference between him and Sir Thomas in the Tower; to which Sir 
Thomas made answer : ^ — ] 

If I were a man, my lords, that had no regard to my oath, I 
had had no occasion to be here at this time, as is well known to 
everybody, as a criminal; and if this oath,. Mr. Rich, which you 
have taken be true, then I pray I may never see Grod's face, 
which, were it otherwise, is an imprecation I would not be guilty 
of to gain the whole world. 

In good faith, Mr. Rich, I am more concerned for your per- 
jury than my own danger; and I must tell you that neither my- 
self, nor anybody else to my knowledge, ever took you to be a 
man of such reputation that I, or any other, would have any- 
thing to do with you in any matter of importance. You know 
that I have been acquainted with your manner of life and con- 
versation a long time, even from your youth to the present 
juncture, for we lived in the same parish; and you very well 
know (I am sorry I am forced to speak it), you always lay un- 
der the odium of a very lying tongue, of a great gamester, and 
of no good name and character, either there or in the temple, 
where you were educated. Can it, therefore, seem likely to your 
lordships, that I should, in so weighty an affair as this, act so 
unadvisedly as to trust Mr. Rich, a man I had always so mean 
an opinion of, in reference to his truth and honesty, so very 
much before my sovereign lord the King, to whom I am so 
deeply indebted for his manifold favors, or any of his noble 
and grave counselors, that I should only impart to Mr. Rich 
the secrets of my conscience, in respect to the King's suprem- 
acy, the particular subject, and only point about which I have 



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3o66 SIR THOMAS MORS 

been so long pressed to explain myself; which I never did, nor 
never would reveal, when the act was once made, either to the 
King himself, or any of his privy counselors, as is well known 
to your honors, who have been sent up on no other account, at 
several times, by his Majesty, to me in the Tower ? I refer it to 
your judgments, my lords, whether this can seem credible to any 
of your lordships. 

But, supposing what Mr. Rich has sworn should be true, see- 
ing the words were spoken in familiar and private conversation, 
and that there was nothing at all asserted, but only cases put ^ 
without any offensive circumstances, it cannot, in justice, be se^ 
that they were spoken maliciously, and where there is no malice, 
there is no offense; besides, my lords, I cannot think so many 
reverend bishops, so many honorable personages, and so many 
virtuous and learned men, of whom the Parliament consisted in 
the enacting of that law, ever meant to have any man pun- 
ished with death in whom no malice could be found, taking the 
word ^malitia^ for ^ malevolentia^^';-iov if ^malitia^ be taken in 
a general signification for any crime, there is no man can be free; 
wherefore, this word * maliciously • is so far significant in this 
statute as the word *^ forcible* is in that of forcible entry; for in 
that case, if any enter peaceably and put his adversary out forci- 
bly, it is no offense; but if he enter forcibly, he shall be pun- 
ished by that statute. 

Besides, all the unspeakable goodness of his Majesty towards 
me, who has been in so many ways my singular good lord, and 
graciously he, I say, who has so dearly loved and trusted me, 
even from my first entrance into his royal service, vouchsafing 
to honor me with the dignity of being one of his privy council, 
and has most generously promoted me to oflBices of great reputa- 
tion and honor, and, lastly, to that of lord high chancellor; which 
honor he never did to any layman before, the same being the 
highest dignity in this famous kingdom, and next to the King's 
royal person, so far beyond my merits and qualifications; honor- 
ing and exalting me, by his incomparable benignity, for these 
twenty years and upwards, heaping continual favors upon me, 
and now, at last, at my own humble request, giving me liberty 
to dedicate the remainder of my life to the service of God, for 
the better saving of my soul, has been pleased to discharge and 
free me from that weighty dignity; before which, he had still 
heaped more and more honors upon me; I say all this, his Maj- 



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SIR THOMAS MORE 



3067 



esty's bounty, so long and so plentifully conferred upon me, is 
enough, in my opinion, to invalidate the scandalous accusation so 
injuriously surmised and urged by this man against me. 

[When be had received sentence of death, he added: — ] 

Well seeing I am condemned, God knows how justly, I will 
freely speak, for the disburthening my conscience, what I think 
of this law. When I perceived it was the King's pleasure to sift 
out from whence the Pope's authority was derived, I confess I 
studied seven years together to find out the truth of it, and I 
could not meet with the works of any one doctor, approved by 
the Church, that avouch that a layman was, or ever could be, the 
head of the Church. 

Chancellor — Would you be esteemed wiser, or to have a sin- 
cerer conscience than all the bishops, learned doctors, nobility, 
and commons of this realm? 

More — I am able to produce against any one bishop which 
you can produce on your side, a hundred holy and Catholic 
bishops for my opinion; and against one realm, the consent of 
Christendom for one thousand years. 

Norfolk — Sir Thomas, you show your obstinate and malicious 
mind. 

More — Noble sir, it's no malice or obstinacy that makes me 
say this; but the just necessity of the cause obliges me to it, for 
the discharge of my conscience; and I call God to witness that 
nothing but this has excited me to it. 

[« After ttua,^ says Borrow, ^the judges kindly offering him their favorable 
audience, if he had anything else to say, he answered most mildly and chari- 
tably »:—] 

I have no more to say, but that as the blessed Apostle St. 
Paul, as we read in the Acts of the Apostles, was present at the 
death of the protomartyr Stephen, and held the clothes of them 
that stoned him to death, and yet nevertheless they are now 
both holy saints in heaven, and there will continue friends to 
eternity, so I verily trust, and shall therefore heartily pray, that 
albeit your lordships have been on earth my judges to condem- 
nation, yet that . we may hereafter meet joyfully together in 
heaven, to our everlasting salvation, and God preserve you, es- 
pecially my sovereign lord the King, and grant him faithful 
counselors. 



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JOHN MORLEY 

(X838-) 

3HN MoRLEY, Statesman, orator, and author, was bom in Lan- 
cashire, England, December 24th, 1838. Graduating at Ox- 
ford in 1859, he began the practice of law in the same year, 
but his celebrity is dne to his work in literature and in Parliament 
rather than to his practice at the bar. From 1867 to 1885 he edited 
the ^Fortnightly Review > and other well-known English periodicals, 
making a great reputation during the same period by his essays and 
speeches. He was elected to Parliament as a Member for Newcastle- 
on-Tyne in 1883, and in 1886 he became Chief Secretary for Ireland. 
He has been a Liberal in politics. Among his more noted works are 
< Richard Cobden,> published in 1881; <The Struggle for National Ed- 
ucatioh,^ in 1873; ^Edmund Burke, > in 1867; and < Ralph Waldo Emer- 
son,> in 1884. 



THE GOLDEN ART OP TRUTH-TELLING 

(From the Address, on <The Study of Literature, > Delivered at the Mansion 
House, February 26th, 1887, as the Annual Address to the Students of the 
London Society for the Extension of University Teaching) 

My Lord Mayor ^ Ladies^ and Gentlemen: — 

WHEN my friend Mr. Goschen invited me to discharge the 
duty which has fallen to me this afternoon^ I confess that 
I complied with very great misgivings. He desired me 
to say something, if I could, on the literary side of education. 
Now, it is almost impossible — and I think those who know most 
of literature will be readiest to agree with me — to say anything 
new in recommendation of literature in a scheme of education. 
But, as taxpayers know, when the chancellor of the exchequer 
levies a contribution, he is not a person to be trifled with. I 
have felt, moreover, that Mr. Goschen has worked with such ex- 
treme zeal and energy for so many years on behalf of this good 
cause, that anybody whom he considered able to render him any 
co-operation owed it to him in its fullest extent. The lord 



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JOHN MORLBY 3069 

mayor has been kind enough to say that I am especially quali- 
fied to speak on English literature. I must, however, remind the 
lord mayor that I have strayed from literature into the region 
of politics; and I am not at all sure that such a journey con- 
duces to the soundness of one's judgment on literary subjects, or 
adds much to the force of one's arguments on behalf of literary 
study. Politics is a field where action is one long second best, 
and where the choice constantly lies between two blunders. 
Nothing can be more unlike in aim, in ideals, in method, and 
in matter, than are literature and politics. I have, however, de- 
termined to do the best that I can; and I feel how great an 
honor it is to be invited to partake in a movement which I do 
not scruple to call one of the most important of all those now 
taking place in English society. . . . 

What is literature ? It has often been defined* Emerson says 
it is a record of the best thoughts. *By literature,* says another 
author, I think Mr. Stopford Brooke, ^we mean the written 
thoughts and feelings of intelligent men and women arranged in 
a way that shall give pleasure to the reader.* A third account 
is that *the aim of a student of literature is to know the best 
that has been thought in the world.* Definitions alwajrs appear 
to me in these things to be in the nature of vanity. I feel that 
the attempt to be compact in the definition of literature ends in 
something that is rather meagre, partial, starved, and unsatisfac- 
tory. I turn to the answer given by a great French writer to a 
question not quite the same, namely: ^^What is a classic?* Lit- 
erature consists of a whole body of classics in the true sense of 
the word, and a classic, as Saint Beuve defines him, is an ^au- 
thor who has enriched the human mind; who has really added to 
its treasure; who has got it to take a step further; who has dis- 
covered some imequivocal moral truth, or penetrated to some 
eternal passion in that heart of man where it seemed as though 
all were known and explored; who has produced his thought, or 
his observation, or his invention under some form, no matter 
what, so it be great, large, acute, and reasonable, sane and beau- 
tiful in itself; who has spoken to all in a style of his own, yet a 
style which finds itself the style of everybody, — in a style that 
is at once new and antique and is the contemporary of aU the 
ages.* At a single hearing you may not take all that in; but if 
you should have any opportunity of recurring to it you will find 
this a satisfactory, full, and instructive account of what is a classic, 



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joyo JOHN MORLEY 

and will find in it a full and satisfactory account of what those 
who have thought most on literature hope to get from it, and 
most would desire to confer upon others by it. Literature con- 
sists of all the books — and they are not so many — where moral 
truth and human passion are touched with a certain largeness, 
sanity, and attraction of form. My notion of the literary student 
is one who through books explores the strange voyages of man's 
moral reason, the impulses of the human heart, the chances and 
changes that have overtaken human ideals of virtue and happi- 
ness, of conduct and manners, and the shifting fortunes of great 
conceptions of truth and virtue. Poets, dramatists, humorists, 
satirists, masters of fiction, the great preachers, the character- 
writers, the maxim- writers, the great political orators, — they are 
all literature in so far as they teach us to know man and to know 
human nature. This is what makes literature, rightly sifted and 
selected, and rightly studied, not the mere elegant trifling that it 
is so often and so erroneously supposed to be, but a proper in- 
strument for a systematic training of the imagination and sym- 
pathies, and of a genial and varied moral sensibility. 

Prom this point of view let me remind you that books are not 
the products of accident and caprice. As Goethe said: *If you 
would understand an author, you must understand his age.* The 
same thing is just as true of a book. If you would comprehend 
it, you must know the age. There is an order; there are causes 
and relations. There are relations between great compositions 
and the societies from which they have emerged. I would put 
it in this way to you, that just as the naturalist strives to under- 
stand and to explain the distribution of plants and animals over 
the surface of the globe, to connect their presence or their ab- 
sence with the great geological, climatic, and oceanic changes, so 
the student of literature, if he be wise, undertakes an ordered 
and connected survey of ideas, of tastes, of sentiments, of imag- 
ination, of humor, of invention, as they affect and as they are 
affected by the ever-changing experiences of human nature, and 
the manifold variations that time and circumstances are inces- 
santly working in humail society. 

It is because I am possessed, and desire to see others pos- 
sessed, by that conception of literary study, that I watch with 
the greatest sympathy and admiration the efforts of those who 
are striving so hard, and, I hope, so successfully, to bring the 
systematic and methodical study of our own literature, in con- 



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JOHN MORLBT 307Z 

nection with other literatures, among subjects for te^hing and 
examination in the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. I 
regard those efforts with the liveliest interest and sympathy. 
Everybody agrees that an educated man ought to have a general 
notion of the course of the great outward events of Eurpean his- 
tory. So, too, an educated man ought to have a general notion 
of the course of all those inward thoughts and moods which find 
their expression in literature. I think that in cultivating the 
study of literature, as I have rather laboriously endeavored to 
define it, you will be cultivating the most important side of his- 
tory. Knowledge of it gives stability and substance to character. 
It gives us a view of the ground we stand on. It gives us a 
solid backing of precedent and experience. It teaches us where 
we are. It protects us against imposture and surprise. 

Before closing I should like to say one word upon the practice 
of composition. I have suffered, by the chance of life, very much 
from the practice of composition. It has been my lot, I suppose, 
to read more unpublished work than any one else in this room, 
and, I hope, in this city. There is an idea, and I venture to 
think, a very mistaken idea, that you cannot have a taste for 
literature tmless you are yourself an author. I make bold en- 
tirely to demur to that proposition. It is practically most mis- 
chievous, and leads scores and even hundreds of people to waste 
their time in the most unprofitable manner that the wit of man 
can devise, on work in which they can no more achieve even the 
most moderate excellence than they can compose a Ninth Sym- 
phony or paint a Transfiguration. It is a terrible error to sup- 
pose that because you relish •Wordsworth's solemn-thoughted 
idyl, or Tennyson's enchanted reverie,* therefore you have a call 
to run off to write bad verse at the Lakes or the Isle of Wight. 
I beseech you not all to turn to authorship. I will go further. 
I venture with all respect to those who are teachers of literature, 
to doubt the excellence and utility of the practice of overmuch 
essay-writing and composition. I have very little faith in rules 
of style, though I have an unbounded faith in the virtue of cul- 
tivating direct and precise expression. But you must carry on 
the operation inside the mind, and not merely by practicing lit- 
erary deportment on paper. It is not everybody who can com- 
mand the mighty rh)rthm of the greatest masters of human speech. 
But every one can make reasonably sure that he knows what he 
means, and whether he has found the right word. These are 



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3072 JOHN MORLEY 

internal operations, and are not forwarded by writing for writing's 
sake. I am strong for attention to expression, if that attention 
be exercised in the right way. It has been said a million times 
that the foundation of right expression in speech or writing is 
sincerity. It is as true now as it has ever been. Right expres- 
sion is a part of character. As somebody has said, by learning 
to speak with precision you learn to think with correctness; and 
firm and vigorous speech lies through the cultivation of high and 
noble sentiments. I think, as far as my observation has gone, 
that men will do better for reaching precision by studying care- 
fully and with an open mind and a vigilant eye the great models 
of writing than by excessive practice of writing on their own 
account. 

Much might here be said on what is one of the most import- 
ant of all the sides of literary study. I mean its effect as helping 
to preserve the dignity and the purity of the English language. 
That noble instrument has never been exposed to such dangers 
as those which beset it to-day. Domestic slang, scientific slang, 
pseudo-ssthetic affectations, hideous importations from American 
newspapers, all bear down with horrible force upon the glorious 
fabric which the genius of our race has reared. I will say noth- 
ing of my own on this pressing theme, but will read to you a 
passage of weight and authority from the greatest master of 
mighty and beautiful speech: — 

^Whoever in a state,* said Milton, ^ knows how wisely to form the 
manners of men and to rule them at home and in war with excellent 
institutes, him in the first place, above others, I should esteem worthy 
of all honor. But next to him the man who strives to establish in 
maxims and rules the method and habit of speaking and writing re- 
ceived from a good age of the nation, and, as it were, to fortify the 
same round with a kind of wall, the daring to overleap which let a 
law only short of that of Romulus be used to prevent. • . . The 
one, as I believe, supplies noble courage and intrepid counsels against 
an enemy invading the territory; the other takes to himself the 
task of extirpating and defeating, by means of a learned detective 
police of ears, and a light band of good authors, that barbarism which 
makes large inroads upon the minds of men, and is a destructive in- 
testine enemy of genius. Nor is it to be considered of small conse- 
quence what language, pure or corrupt, a people has, or what is 
their customary degree of propriety in speaking it . . . For, let 
the words of a cotmtry be in part unhandsome and offensive in them- 
selves, in part debased by wear and wrongly uttered, and what do 



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JOHN MORLBY 3073 

they declare but, by no light indication, that the inhabitants of that 
country are an indolent, idly-yawning race, with minds already long, 
prepared for any amount of servility? On the other hand, we have 
never heard that any empire, any state, did not at least flourish in a 
middling degree as long as its own liking and care for its language 
lasted.* 

The probabilities are that we are now coming to an epoch, 
as it seems to me, of a quieter style. There have been — one of 
them, I am happy to think, stiU survives — in our generation 
three great giants of prose-writing. There was, first of all, Car- 
lyle, there was Macaulay, and there is Mr. Ruskin. These are 
an giants, and they have the rights of giants. But I do not be- 
lieve that a greater misfortune can befall the students who at- 
tend classes here than that they should strive to write like any 
one of these three illustrious men. I think it is the worst thing 
that can happen to them. They can never attain to it. It is 
not everybody who can bend the bow of Ulysses, and most men 
only do themselves a mischief by trying to bend it We are 
now on our way to a quieter style. I am not sorry for it Truth 
is quiet Milton's phrase ever lingers in our minds as one of 
imperishable beauty, — where he regrets that he is drawn by I 
know not what, from beholding the bright countenance of truth 
in the quiet and still air of delightful studies. Moderation and 
judgment are more than the flash and the glitter even of the 
greatest genius. I hope that your professors of rhetoric will 
teach you to cultivate that golden art — the steadfast use of a 
IsLngVLSige in which truth can be told; a speech that is strong by 
natural force, and not merely effective by declamation; an utter- 
ance without trick, without affectation, without mannerisms, and 
without any of that excessive ambition which overleaps itself as 
much in i)rose-writing as it does in other things. 

Now, ladies and gentlemen, I will detain you no longer. I 
hope that I have made it clear that we conceive the end of edu- 
cation on its literary side to be to make a man and not a cyclo- 
pedia, to make a citizen and not a book of elegant extracts. 
Literature does not end with knowledge of forms, with inven- 
tories of books and authors, with finding the key of rhythm, with 
the varying measure of the stanza, or the changes from the in- 
volved and sonorous periods of the seventeenth century down 
to the staccato of the nineteenth century, or all the rest of the 
technicalities of scholarship. Do not think I contemn these. 
VIII — 193 



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3074 J^^^ MORLBY 

They are all good things to know, bnt they are not ends in 
themselves. *The intelligent man,* says Plato, *will prize those 
studies which result iti his soul getting soberness, righteousness, 
and wisdom, and he will less value the others.* Literature is one 
of the instruments, and one of the most powerful instruments, 
for forming character, for giving us men and women armed with 
reason, braced by knowledge, clothed with steadfastness and cour- 
age, and inspired by that public spirit and public virtue of which 
it has been well said that they are the brightest ornaments of 
the mind of man. Bacon is right, as he generally is, when he 
bids us read, not to contradict and refute, nor to believe and 
take for granted, nor to find talk and discourse, but to weigh 
and to consider. Yes, let us read to weigh and to consider. In 
the times before us that promise or threaten deep political, eco- 
nomical, and social controversy, what we need to do is to induce 
our people to weigh and consider. We want them to cultivate 
energy without impatience, activity without restlessness, inflexi- 
bility without iU-humor. I am not going to preach to you any 
artificial stoicism. I am not going to preach to you any indiffer- 
ence to money, or to the pleasures of social intercourse, or to 
the esteem and good-will of our neighbors, or to any other of 
the consolations and the necessities of life. But, after all, the 
thing that matters most, both for happiness and for duty, is that 
we should habitually live with wise thoughts and right feelings. 
Literature helps us more than other studies to this most blessed 
companionship of wise thoughts and right feelings, and so I have 
taken this opportunity of earnestly commending it to your inter- 
est and care. 



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3075 




GOUVERNEUR MORRIS 

(1752-1816) 

^N A letter written in 1831, James Madison, who was called by 
his contemporaries •The Father of the Constitution,* writes 
that •the style and finish* of the Constitution •fairly belong 
to Gouvemeur Morris, . . . the task having probably been handed 
over to him by the chairman of the committee.* •A better choice,* 
Madison adds, •could not have been made, as the performance of the 
task proved. It is true that the state of materials, consisting of a 
reported draft in detail and subsequent resolutions accurately penned, 
and falling easily into their proper places, was a good preparation- 
for the symmetry and phraseology of the instrument, but there was 
sufficient room for the talents and tastes stamped by the author on 
the face of it* Morris, who was bom at Morrisiana, New York, Janu- 
ary 31st, 1753, had been a member of the Continental Congress and 
had made a considerable reputation before he was appointed on the 
committee to draft the Federal Constitution in 1787, but he acquired 
his greatest celebrity subsequently as a Federalist leader and sup- 
porter of Hamilton against Jefferson. He was United States Minister 
to France from 1792 to 1794, and United States Senator from New 
York from 1800 to 1803. He died November 6th, i8i6. 



ORATION AT THE FUNERAL OF ALEXANDER HAMILTON 

(Pranoanced at the Porch of the Old Trinity Chtirch. New York City, over the 
Body of Hamilton, at the Time of Its Interment, July 14th, 1804) 

IF ON this sad, this solemn occasion, I should endeavor to move 
your commiseration, it would be doing injustice to that sensi- 
bility which has been so generally and so justly manifested. 
Far from attempting to excite your emotions, I must try to re- 
press my own; and yet I fear that instead of the language of a 
public speaker you will hear only the lamentations of a wailing 
friend. But I will struggle with my bursting heart to portray 
that heroic spirit which has flown to the mansions of bUss. 



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GOUVERNEUR MORRIS 



Students of Columbia, he was in the ardent pursuit of knowl- 
edge in your academic shades, when the first sound of the Amer- 
ican war called him to the field A young and unprotected 
voltmteer, such was his zeal, and so brilliant his service, that we 
heard his name before we knew his person. It seemed as if God 
had called him suddenly into existence that he might assist to 
save a world! 

The penetrating eye of Washington soon perceived the manly 
spirit which animated his youthful bosom. By that excellent 
judge of men he was selected as an aid, and thus he became 
early acquainted with, and was a principal actor in, the more im- 
portant scenes of our Revolution. At the siege of York he perti- 
naciously insisted on and obtained the command of a forlorn 
hope. He stormed the redoubt; but let it be recorded that not 
one single man of the enemy perished. His gallant troops, emu- 
lating the heroism of their chief, checked the uplifted arm and 
spared a foe no longer resisting. Here closed his military career. 

Shortly after the war, your favor — no, your discernment — 
called him to public office. You sent him to the convention at 
Philadelphia; he there assisted in forming that Constitution which 
is now the bond of our union, the shield of our defense, and the 
source of our prosperity. In signing the compact, he expressed his 
apprehension that it did not contain sufficient means of strength 
for its own preservation, and that in consequence we should share 
the fate of many other republics, and pass through anarchy to 
despotism. We hoped better things. We confided in the good 
sense of the American people; and, above all, we trusted in the 
protecting providence of the Almighty. On this important sub- 
ject he never concealed his opinion. He disdained concealment. 
Knowing the purity of his heart, he bore it, as it were, in his 
hand, exposing to every passenger its inmost recesses. This gen- 
erous indiscretion subjected him to censure from misrepresenta- 
tion. His spec^ulative opinions were treated as deliberate designs, 
and yet you all know how strenuous, how unremitting were his 
efforts to establish and to preserve the Constitution. If, then, his 
opinion was wrong, pardon, oh ! pardon that single error in a life 
devoted to your service. 

At the time when our Government was organized, we were 
without funds, though not without resources. To call them into 
action and establish order in the finances, Washington sought for 
splendid talents for extensive information, and, above all, he 



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GOUVBRNBUR MORRIS 



3077 



sought for sterling, incorruptible integrity. All these he found in 
Hamilton. The system then adopted has been the subject of 
much animadversion. If it be not without a fault, let it be re- 
membered that nothing htunan is perfect. Recollect the circum- 
stances of the moment — recollect the conflict of opinion — and, 
above all, remember that a minister of a republic must bend to 
the will of the people. The administration which Washington 
formed was one of the most efficient, one of the best that any 
cotmtry was ever blest with. And the result was a rapid advance 
in power and prosperity, of which there is no example in any 
other age or nation. The part which Hamilton bore is tmiver- 
sally known. 

His unsuspecting confidence in professions, which he believed 
to be sincere, led him to trust too much to the undeserving. 
This exposed him to misrepresentation. He felt himself obliged 
to resign. The care of a rising family and the narrowness of his 
fortune made it a duty to return to his profession for their sup- 
port. But though he was compelled to abandon public life, never, 
no, never for a moment, did he abandon the public service. He 
never lost sight of your interests. I declare to you before that 
God, in whose presence we are now especially assembled, that in 
his most private and confidential conversations the single objects 
of discussion and consideration were your freedom and happiness. 
You well remember the state of things which again called forth 
Washington from his retreat to lead your armies. You know that 
he asked for Hamilton to be his second in command. That vener- 
able sage well knew the dangerous incidents of a military profes- 
sion, and he felt the hand of time pinching life at its source. It was 
probable that he would soon be removed from the scene, and that 
his second would succeed to the command. He knew by experi- 
ence the importance of that place, and he thought the sword of 
America might safely be confided to the hand which now lies 
cold in that coffin. Oh! my fellow-citizens, remember this solemn 
testimonial that he was not ambitious. Yet he was charged with 
ambition, and, wounded by the imputation, when he laid down his 
command he declared in the proud independence of his soul that 
he never would accept of any office, unless in a foreign war he 
should be called on to expose his life in defense of his country. 
This determination was immovable. It was his fault that his 
opinions and his resolutions could not be changed. Knowing his 
own firm purpose, he was indignant at the charge that he sought 



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GOUVERNEUR MORRIS 



for place or power. He was ambitious only for glory, but he was 
deeply solicitous for you. For himself he feared nothing; but he 
feared that bad men might, by false professions, acquire your con- 
fidence, and abuse it to your ruin. 

Brethren of the Cincinnati, there lies our chief! Let him still 
be our model. Like him, after long and faithful public services, 
let us cheerfully perform the social duties of private life. Oh! he 
was mild and gentle. In him there was no offense, no guile. 
His generous hand and heart were open to all. 

Gentlemen of the bar, you have lost your brightest ornament. 
Cherish and imitate his example. While, like him, with justifiable 
and with laudable zeal, you pursue the interests of your clients, 
remember, like him, the eternal principle of justice. 

Fellow-citizens, you have long witnessed his professional con- 
duct and felt his unrivaled eloquence. You know how well he 
performed the duties of a citizen; you know that he never courted 
your favor by adulation or the sacrifice of his own judgment. 
You have seen him contending against you and saving your 
dearest interests, as it were, in spite of yourselves. And you 
now feel and enjoy the benefits resulting from the firm energy 
of his conduct Bear this testimony to the memory of my de- 
parted friend. I charge you to protect his fame. It is all he has 
left — all that these poor orphan children will inherit from their 
father. But, my countrymen, that fame may be a rich treasure 
to you also. Let it be the test by which to examine those who 
solicit your favor. Disregarding professions, view their conduct, 
and on a doubtful occasion ask: Would Hamilton have done this 
thing? 

You all know how he perished. On this last scene I cannot, 
I must not, dwell. It might excite emotions too strong for your 
better judgment. Suffer not your indignation to lead to any act 
which might again offend the insulted majesty of the laws. On 
his part, as from his lips, though with my voice, — for his voice 
you will hear no more, — let me entreat you to respect yourselves. 

And now, ye ministers of the everlasting Grod, perform your 
holy office, and commit these ashes of our departed brother to 
the bosom of the grave. 



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3079 




OLIVER P. MORTON 

1823-1877) 

LIVER Perry Morton, War Governor of Indiana and both in 
speech and action one of the most forcible men of his day» 
was bom in Wayne Connty, Indiana, August 4th, 1823. Be- 
coming Governor of Indiana in 1861, he held that office until 1867, 
when he was elected to the United States Senate, where he served 
ten years with marked distinction. He was a member of the Electoral 
Commission of 1877, but the policies which were inaug^irated by Presi- 
dent Hayes were much more conservative than those for which Gov- 
ernor Morton had stood during the ten years of struggle between 1866 
and 1876. He had contended for universal suffrage and. absolute equal- 
ity, refusing to make compromises of principle for the sake of ezpedi* 
ency. He died November ist, 1877. 



REASONS FOR NEGRO SUFFRAGE 

(Prom a Speech on Reconstruction Delivered in the United States Senate, 

January a4th, 1868) 

WHEN Congress entered upon this work it had become appar- 
ent to all men that loyal republican State governments 
could not be erected and maintained upon the basis of 
the white population. We had tried them. Congress had at- 
tempted the work of reconstruction through the constitutional 
amendment by leaving the suflErage with the white men, and by 
leaving with the white people of the South the question as to 
when the colored people should exercise the right of suffrage, 
if ever; but when it was found that those white men were as 
rebellious as ever, that they hated this Government more bitterly 
than ever; when it was found that they persecuted the loyal 
men, both white and black, in their midst; when it was found 
that Northern men who had gone down there were driven out 
by social tyranny, by a thousand annoyances, by the insecurity 
of life and properity, then it became apparent to aU men of in- 
telligence that reconstruction could not take place upon the basis 
of the white population, and something else must be done. 



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OLIVER P. MORTON 



Now, sir, what was there left to do? Either we must hold 
these people continually by military power, or we must use such 
machinery upon such a new basis as would enable loyal repub- 
lican State governments to be raised up; and in the last resort, — 
and I will say Congress waited long, the nation waited long, ex- 
perience had to come to the rescue of reason before the thing 
was done — in the last resort, and as the last thing to be done, 
Congress determined to dig through all the rubbish, dig through 
the soil and the shifting sands, and go down to the eternal rock, 
and there upon the basis of the everlasting principle of equal 
and exact justice to all men, we have planted the column of re- 
construction; and, sir, it will arise slowly but surely, and •the 
gates of hell shall not prevail against it.^ Whatever dangers we 
apprehend from the introduction of the right of suffrage of 
seven hundred thousand men, just emerged from slavery, were 
put aside in the presence of a greater danger. Why, sir, let me 
say frankly to my friend from Wisconsin that I approached uni- 
versal colored suflErage in the South reluctantly, not because I 
adhered to the miserable dogma that this was the white man's 
Government, but because I entertained fears about at once in- 
trusting a large body of men just from slavery, to whom educa- 
tion had been denied by law, to whom the marriage relation had 
been denied, who had been made the basest and most abject 
slaves, with political power. And as the Senator has referred to 
a speech which I made in Indiana in 1865, allow me to show the 
principle that then actuated me, for in that speech I said: — 

• In regard to the question of admitting the f reedmen of the South- 
ern States to vote, while I admit the equal rights of all men, and 
that in time all men will have the right to vote without distinction 
of color or race, I yet believe that in the case of four million of 
slaves just freed from bondage there should be a period of probation 
and preparation before they are brought to the exercise of political 
power. • 

Such was my feeling at that time, for it had not then been 
determined by the bloody experience of the last two years that 
we could not reconstruct upon the basis of the white population, 
and such was the opinion of a great majority of the people of 
the North; and it was not tmtil a year and a half after that time 
that Congress came to the conclusion that there was no way left 
but to resort to colored suffrage and suffrage to all men except 



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OLIVER P. MORTON 



3081 



those who were disqualified by the commission of high crimes 
and misdemeanors. . . . 

My friend from Wisconsin yesterday compared what he called 
the Radical party of the North to the Radicals of the South, and 
when he was asked the question by some Senator: *Who are the 
Radicals of the South F'^ he said: *They are the Secessionists.* 
Sir, the Secessionists of the South are Democrats to-day, acting 
in harmony and concert with the Democratic party. They were 
Democrats during the war who prayed for the success of Mc- 
Clellan and Pendleton, and who would have been glad to vote 
for them. They were Democrats during the war, men who sym- 
pathized with the Rebellion, who aided in bringing it on. These 
are the Radicals of the South, and my friend from Wisconsin, 
after all, is acting with that Radical party. 

The burden of his speech yesterday was that the reconstruc- 
tion measures of Congress are intended to establish negro suprem- 
acy. Sir, this proposition is without any foundation whatever. 
I believe it was stated yesterday by the Senator from Illinois 
[Mr. Trumbull] that in every State but two the white voters 
registered outnumbered the colored voters; and the fact that in 
two States the colored voters outnumber the white voters is 
owing to the simple accident that there are more colored men 
in those States than there are white men. Congress has not 
sought to establish negro supremacy, nor has it sought to estab- 
lish the supremacy of any class or party of men. If it had 
sought to establish negro supremacy, it would have been an 
easy matter by excluding from the right of suffrage all men who 
had been concerned in the Rebellion, in accordance with the 
proposition of the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. 
Sumner], in his speech at Worcester, in 1865. He proposed to 
exclude all men who had been concerned in the Rebellion, and 
confer suffrage only on those who were left. That would have 
established negro supremacy by giving the negroes an over- 
whelming majority in every State; and if that had been the ob- 
ject of Congress, it could have been readily done. But, sir, 
Congress has only sought to divide the political power between 
the loyal and the disloyal. It has disfranchised some fifty thou- 
sand disloyal leaders, leaving all the rest of the people to vote. 
They have been enfranchised on both sides, that neither should 
be placed in the power of the other. The rebels have the right 
to vote. so that they shall not be under the control and power of 



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3082 OLIVER P. MORTON 

the Union men oxUy, and the Union men have been allowed to 
vote so that they shall not be under the control and power of 
the rebels. This is the policy, to divide the political power 
among those men for the protection of each. Sir, the charge 
that we intend to create a negro supremacy or colored State 
governments is without the slightest foundation, for it would 
have been in the power of Congress to have easily conferred 
such supremacy by simply excluding the disloyal from the right 
of suffrage — a power which it had the clear right to exercise. 

Now, Mr. President, allow me to consider for a moment the 
amendment offered by the Senator from Wisconsin, and upon 
which his speech was made, and see what is its effect — I will 
not say its purpose, but its inevitable effect — should it become a 
law. I will ask the Secretary to read the amendment which the 
Senator from Wisconsin has proposed to the Senate. 

The Secretary read as follows: — 

Provided, nevertheless. That upon an election for the ratification of 
any constitution, or of officers under the same, previous to its adop- 
tion in any State, no person not having the qualifications of an elector 
under the constitution and laws of such State previous to the late 
Rebellion shall be allowed to vote, unless he shall possess one of the 
following qualifications, namely: — 

1. He shall have served as a soldier in the Federal army for one 
year or more. 

2. He shall have sufficient education to read the Constitution of 
the United States and to subscribe his name to an oath to support 
the same; or, 

3. He shall be seized in his own right, or in the right of his wife, 
of a freehold of the value of two hundred and fifty dollars. 

Mr. Morton — Sir, these qualifications are, by the terms of the 
amendment, to apply to those who were not authorized to vote 
by the laws of the State before the Rebellion — in other words, 
the colored men. He proposes to allow a colored man to vote if 
he has been in the Federal army one year, and he proposes to 
allow a rebel white man to vote, although he has served in the 
rebel army four years! He proposes that a colored man shall 
not vote imless he has sufficient education to read the Constitu- 
tion of the United States and to subscribe his name to an oath 
to support the same, whereas he permits a rebel white man to 



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vote who never heard of A and does not know how to make his 
mark even to a note given for whisky. [Laughter.] 

Again, sir, he proposes that the colored man shall not vote 
unless he shall be seized in his own right or in the right of his 
wife of a freehold of the value of two hundred and fifty dollars, 
a provision, which, of course, would cut off nine hundred and 
ninety-nine out of every thousand colored men in the South. 
The colored man cannot vote unless he has a freehold of two 
hundred and fifty dollars, but the white rebel, who was never 
worth twenty-five cents, who never paid poll tax in his life, never 
I)aid an honest debt, is to be allowed to vote. Sir, what would 
be the inevitable effect of the adoption of this amendment? To 
cut off such a large part of the colored vote as to leave the 
rebel white vote largely in the ascendency and to put these new 
State governments there to be formed again into the hands of 
the rebels. Sir, I will not spend longer time upon that. 

My friend yesterday alluded to my indorsement of the Presi- 
dent's policy in a speech in 1865. I never indorsed what is now 
called the President's policy. In the summer of 1865, when I 
saw a division coming between the President and the Republican 
party, and when I could not help anticipating the direful conse- 
quences that must result from it, I made a speech in which I 
repelled certain statements that had been made against the Presi- 
dent, and denied the charge that by issuing his Proclamation of 
May 29th, 1865, he had thereby left the Republican party. I said 
that he had not left the Republican party by that act. I did 
show that the policy of that proclamation was even more radical 
than that of Mr. Lincoln. I did show that it was more radical 
even than the Winter Davis Bill of the summer of 1864. But, 
sir, it was all upon the distinct understanding that whatever the 
President did his whole policy or action was to be submitted 
to Congress for its consideration and decision; and, as I before 
remarked, if that had been done all would have been well. I 
did not then advocate universal colored suffrage in the South, 
and I have before given my reasons for it, and in doing that I 
was acting in harmony with the great body of the Republican 
party of the North. It was nearly a year after that time, when 
Congress passed the constitutional amendment which still left the 
question of suffrage with the Southern States, left it with the 
white people; and it was not until a year and a half after that 
time that Congress came to the conclusion that we could not 



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OLIVER P. MORTON 



execute the guarantee of the Constitution without raising up a 
new class of loyal voters. 

And, sir, nobody concurred in that result more heartily than 
myself. I confess (and I do it without shame) that I have been 
educated by the great events of this war. The American peo- 
ple have been educated rapidly; and the man who says he has 
learned nothing, that he stands now where he did six years ago, 
is like an ancient milepost by the side of a deserted higjliway. 

Mr. President, the column of reconstruction, as I before re- 
marked, has risen slowly. It has not been hewn from a single 
stone. It is composed of many blocks, painfully laid up and put 
together, and cemented by the tears and blood of the nation. 
Sir, we have done nothing arbitrarily. We have done nothing 
for punishment, aye, too little for punishment. Justice has not 
had her demand. Not a man has yet been executed for this 
great treason. The arch fiend himself is now at liberty upon 
bail. No man is to be punished; and now, while punishment 
has gone by, as we all know, we are insisting only upon security 
for the future. We are simply asking that the evil spirits who 
brought this war upon us shall not again come into power dur- 
ing this generation, again to bring upon us rebellion and calam- 
ity. We are simply asking for those securities that we deem 
necessary for otir peace and the peace of our posterity. 

Sir, there is one great diflEerence between this Union party 
and the so-called Democratic party. Our principles are those of 
humanity; they are those of justice; they are those of equal 
rights; they are principles that appeal to the hearts and the con- 
sciences of men; while on the other side we hear appeals to the 
prejudice of race against race. The white man is overwhelm- 
ingly in the majority in this country, and that majority is yearly 
increased by half a million of white men from abroad, and that 
majority gaining in proportion from year to year until the col- 
ored men will finally be but a handful in this coimtry; and yet 
we hear the prejudices of the white race appealed to to crush 
this other race, and to prevent it from rising to supremacy and 
power. Sir, there is nothing noble, there is nothing generous, 
there is nothing lovely, in that policy or that appeal How does 
that principle compare with ours? We are standing upon the 
broad platform of the Declaration of Independence, that ^ all men 
are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with 



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OLIVER P. MORTON 



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certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and 
the pursuit of happiness.* We say that these rights are not 
given by laws; are not given by the Constitution; but they are 
the gift of Grod to every man bom into the world. Oh, sir, how 
glorious is this great principle compared with the inhuman — I 
might say the heathenish — appeal to th& prejudice of race against 
race; the endeavor further to excite the strong against the weak; 
the endeavor further to deprive the weak of their rights of pro- 
tection against the strong. 



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MAX MULLER 

(FRIEDRICH MAXIMILIAN MULLER) 

(1823-) 

^AX MOller, one of the most celebrated philologists of the 
nineteenth century* was bom at Dessan, Germany, Decem- 
ber 6th, 1823. His father, the German lyric poet, Wilhelm 
Mdller, was teacher of the classical languages in the gymnasium at 
Dessau, and from him Professor Miiller probably received the bent 
which determined his career. After studying at Leipsic, Berlin, 
and Paris, he went to England and in 1850 began a connection with 
the University of Oxford, which has continued ever since. His lec- 
tures, *The Science of Language,^ ^ Chips from a German Workshop,* 
and other lectures, addresses, and essays on philology went far towards 
popularizing what had been considered a most abstruse and difficult 
subject. In his ^ Science of Thought * and other writings of the same 
class, he opposed the Darwinian theory of the descent of man with 
an elaboration of the argument he had used in his address before 
the Royal Institution in 1861 — the conclusion from the study of lan- 
guage that the power to use it rationally to express thought and 
transmit the experience of one generation to those succeeding it con- 
stitutes the ^Impassable Qarrier between Brutes and Man.* 



THE IMPASSABLE BARRIER BETWEEN BRUTES AND MAN 
(From a Lecture Delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain in i86i> 

IN COMPARING man with the other animals, we need not enter her© 
into the physiological questions whether the difference betweea 
the body of an ape and the body of a man is one of degree or 
of kind. However that question is settled by physiologists, we 
need not be afraid. If the structure of a mere worm is such as 
to fill the himian mind with awe, if a single glimpse which we 
catch of the infinite wisdom displayed in the organs of the lowest 
creature gives us an intimation of the wisdom of its Divine Cre- 
ator far transcending the powers of our conception, how are we 
to criticize and disparage the most highly organized creatures of 



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MAX MOLLBR 3087 

his creation, creatures as wonderfully made as we ourselves ? Are 
there not many creatures on many points more perfect even than 
man ? Do we not envy the lion's strength, the eagle's eye, the 
wings of every bird ? If there existed animals as perfect as man 
in their physical structure, nay, even more perfect, no thoughtful 
man would ever be tmeasy. His true superiority rests on differ- 
ent grounds. •! confess,* Sydney Smith writes, *I feel myself 
so much at ease about the superiority of mankind, — I have such 
a marked and decided contempt for the tmderstanding of every 
baboon I have ever seen, — I feel so sure that the blue ape with- 
out a tail will never rival us in poetry, painting, and music, that 
I see no reason whatever that justice may not be done to the 
few fragments of soul and tatters of understanding which they 
may really possess.* The playfulness of Sydney Smith in hand- 
ling serious and sacred subjects has, of late, been found fault with 
by many; but humor is a safer sign of strong convictions and 
perfect sanity than guarded solemnity. 

With regard to our own problem, no man can doubt that cer- 
tain animals possess all the physical requirements for articulate 
speech. There is no letter of the alphabet which a parrot will 
not learn to pronounce. The fact, therefore, that the parrot is 
without a language of its own must be explained by a difference 
between the mental, not between the physicial, faculties of the 
animal and man; and it is by a comparison of the mental facul- 
ties alone, such as we find them in man and brutes, that we 
may hope to discover what constitutes the indispensable qualifi- 
cation for language, a qualification to be found in man alone, and 
in no other creature on earth. 

I say mental faculties, and I mean to claim a large share of 
what we call our mental faculties for the higher animals. These 
animals have sensation, perception, memory, will, and intellect, 
only we must restrict intellect to the comparing or interlacing of 
single perceptions. All these points can be proved by irrefraga- 
ble evidence, and that evidence has never, I believe, been summed 
up with greater lucidity and power than in one of the last pub- 
lications of M. P. Flourens, ^De la Raison, du Gtoie, et de la 
Polie*: Paris, 1861. There are, no doubt, many people who are 
as much frightened at the idea that brutes have souls and are 
able to think, as by *the blue ape without a tail.* But their 
fright is entirely of their own making. If people will use such 
words as soul or thought without making it clear to themselves 



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MAX MOlLER 



and others what they mean by them, these words will slip away 
tinder their feet, and the result must be painful. If we once ask 
the question, Have brutes a soul ? we shall never arrive at any 
conclusion; for soul has been so many times defined by philoso- 
phers from Aristotle down to Hegel, that it means everything 
and nothing. Such has been the confusion caused by the pro- 
miscuous emplojrment of the ill-defined terms of mental philoso- 
phy that we find Descartes representing brutes as living machines, 
whereas Leibnitz claims for them not only souls, but immortal 
souls. ^Next to the error of those who deny the existence of 
God,^ says Descartes, ^ there is none so apt to lead weak minds 
from the right path of virtue, as to think that the soul of 
brutes is of the same nature as our own; and, consequently, that 
we have nothing to fear or to hope after this life, any more than 
flies or ants; whereas, if we know how much they differ, we un- 
derstand much better that our soul is quite independent of the 
body, and consequently not subject to die with the body.* 

The spirit of these remarks is excellent, but the argument is 
extremely weak. It does not follow that brutes have no souls 
because they have no human souls. It does not follow that the 
souls of men are not immortal, because the souls of brutes are 
not immortal; nor has the major premise ever been proved by 
any philosopher, namely, that the souls of brutes must necessarily 
be destroyed and annihilated by death. Leibnitz, who has de- 
fended the immortality of the human soul with stronger argu- 
ments than even Descartes, writes: *^I found at last how the 
souls of brutes and their sensations do not at all interfere with 
the immortality of human souls; on the contrary, nothing serves 
better to establish our natural immortality than to believe that 
all souls are imperishable.* 

Instead of entering into these perplexities, which are chiefly 
due to the loose employment of ill-defined terms, let us simply 
look at the facts. Every unprejudiced observer will admit that — 

I. Brutes see, hear, taste, smell, and feel; that is to say, 
they have five senses, just like ourselves, neither more nor less. 
They have both sensation and perception, a point which has been 
illustrated by M. Flourens by the most interesting experiments. 
If the roots of the optic nerve are removed, the retina in the 
eye of a bird ceases to be excitable, the iris is no longer mova- 
ble; the animal is blind, because it has lost the organ of sensa- 
tion. If, on the contrary, the cerebral lobes are removed, the eye 



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3089 



remains pure and sound, the retina excitable, the iris movable. 
The eye is preserved, yet the animal cannot see, because it has 
lost the organ of perception. 

3. Brutes have sensations of pleasure and pain. A dog that 
is beaten behaves exactly like a child that is chastised, and a dog 
that is fed and fondled exhibits the same signs of satisfaction as 
a boy under the same circumstances. We can only judge from 
signs, and if they are to be trusted in the case of children, they 
must be trusted likewise in the case of brutes. 

3. Brutes do not forget, or, as philosophers would say, brutes 
have memory. They know their masters, they know their home; 
they evince joy on recognizing those who have been kind to 
them, and they bear malice for years to those by whom they 
have been insulted or ill-treated. Who does not recollect the 
dog Argos in the ^Odyssey,* who, after so many years' absence, 
was the -first to recognize Ulysses? 

4. Brutes are able to compare and distinguish. A parrot will 
take up a nut, and throw it down again, without attempting to 
crack it. He has found that it is light: this he could discover 
only by comparing the weight of the good nuts with that of the 
bad; and he has found that it has no kernel: this he could only 
discover by what philosophers would dignify with the grand title 
of a syllog^m, namely, *all light nuts are hollow; this is a light 
nut, therefore this nut is hollow.* 

5. Brutes have a will of their own. I appeal to any one who 
has ever ridden a restive horse. 

6. Brutes show signs of shame and pride. Here again any 
one who has to deal with dogs, who has watched a retriever with 
sparkling eyes placing a partridge at his master's feet, or a hound 
slinking away with his tail between his legs from the huntsman's 
call, will agree that these signs admit of but one interpretation. 
The difficulty begins when we use philosophical language, when 
we claim for brutes a moral sense, a conscience, a power of dis- 
tinguishing good and evil; and, as we gain nothing by these 
scholastic terms, it is better to avoid them altogether. 

7. Brutes show signs of love and hatred. There are well- 
authenticated stories of dogs following their masters to the grave, 
and refusing food from any one. Nor is there any doubt that 
brutes will watch their opportunity till they revenge themselves 
on those whom they dislike. 

VIII — X94. 



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3090 MAX MOLLER 

If, with all these facts before us, we deny that brutes have 
sensation, perception, memory, will, and intellect, we ought to 
bring forward powerful arguments for interpreting the signs 
which we observe in brutes so differently from those which we 
observe in man. 

Some philosophers imagine they have explained everything, 
if they ascribe to brutes instinct instead of intellect But, if 
we take these two words in their usual acceptations, they surely 
do not exclude each other. There are instincts in man as well 
as in brutes. A child takes his mother's breast by instinct; the 
spider weaves its net by instinct; the bee builds her cell by in- 
stinct. No one would ascribe to the child a knowledge of physi- 
ology because it employs the exact muscles which are required 
for sucking; nor shall we claim for the spider a knowledge of 
mechanics, or for the bee an acquaintance with geometry, because 
we could not do what they do without a study of these sciences. 
But what if we tear a spider's web, and see the spider examin- 
ing the mischief that is done, and either giving up his work in 
despair, or endeavoring to mend it as well as may be ? Surely 
here we have the instinct of weaving controlled by observation, 
by comparison, by reflection, by judgment. Instinct, whether 
mechanical or moral, is more prominent in brutes than in man; 
but it exists in both, as much as intellect is shared by both. 

Where, then, is the difference between brute and man ? What 
is it that man can do, and of which we find no signs, no rudi- 
ments, in the whole brute world? I answer without hesitation: 
The one great barrier between the brute and man is language. 
Man speaks, and no brute has ever uttered a word. Language is 
our Rubicon, and no brute will dare to cross it. This is our 
matter-of-fact answer to those who speak of development, who 
think they discover the rudiments at least of all human faculties 
in apes, and who would fain keep open the possibility that man 
is only a more favored beast, the triumphant conqueror in the 
primeval struggle for life. Language is something more palpa- 
ble than a fold of the brain, or an angle of the skull. It admits 
of no caviling, and no process of natural selection will ever dis- 
till significant words out of the notes of birds or the cries of 
beasts. 

Language, however, is the only outward sign. We may point 
to it in our arguments, we may challenge our opponent to 



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MAX MCLLER 3091 

produce anjrthing approaching to it from the whole brute world. 
But if this were all, if the art of employing articulate sounds for 
the purpose of communicating impressions were the only thing 
by which we could assert our superiority over the brute creation, 
we might not unreasonably feel somewhat uneasy at having the 
gorilla so close on our heels. 

It cannot be denied that brutes, though they do not use ar- 
ticulate sounds for that purpose, have, nevertheless, means of their 
own for commtmicating with each other. When a whale is struck, 
the whole shoal, though widely dispersed, are instantly made 
aware of the presence of an enemy; and when the grave-digger 
beetle finds the carcass of a mole, he hastens to communicate the 
discovery to his fellows, and soon returns with his four confed- 
erates. It is evident, too, that dogs, though they do not speak, 
possess the power of understanding much that is said to them, — 
their names and the calls of their masters; and other animals, 
such as the parrot, can pronounce every articulate sound. Hence, 
although for the purpose of philosophical warfare, articulate lan- 
guage would still form an impregnable position, yet it is but 
natural that for our own satisfaction we should try to find out 
in what the strength of our position really consists; or, in other 
words, that we should try to discover that inward power of which 
language is the outward sign and manifestation. 

For this purpose it will be best to examine the opinions of 
those who approached our problem from another point; who, in- 
stead of looking for outward and palpable signs of difference 
between brute and man, inquired into the inward mental facul- 
ties, and tried to determine the point where man transcends the 
barriers of the brute intellect. That point, if truly determined, 
ought to coincide with the starting point of language; and, if so, 
that coincidence ought to explain the problem which occupies us 
at present. 

I shall read an extract from Locke's ^ Essay Concerning Hu- 
man Understanding.^ 

After having explained how tmiversal ideas are made, how 
the mind, having observed the same color in chalk, and snow, 
and milk, comprehends these single perceptions under the gen- 
eral conception of whiteness, Locke continues: *If it may be 
doubted whether beasts compound and enlarge their ideas that 
way to any degree, this, I think, I may be positive in, that the 



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3092 ^AX mOller 

power of abstracting is not at all in them; and that the having^ 
of general ideas is that which puts a i)erfect distinction betwixt 
man and brutes, and is an excellency which the faculties of 
brutes do by no means attain to.^ 

If Locke is right in considering the having general ideas as 
the distinguishing feature between man and brutes, and, if we 
ourselves are right in pointing to language as the one palpable 
distinction between the two, it would seem to follow that lan- 
guage is the outward sign and realization of that inward faculty 
which is called the faculty of abstraction, but which is better 
known to us by the homely name of reason. 



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CARDINAL NEWMAN 

(JOHN HENRY, CARDINAL NEWMAN) 

(1801-1890) 

>HN Henry Newman, celebrated as a theologian, orator, and 
poet, was bom at London, February 21th, 1801. He was edu- 
cated at Oxford, and after his graduation there in 1820, was 
elected in 1822 a Fellow of Oriel College. Thus began his associa- 
tion with Doctor Pusey, which did so much to influence the religious 
opinions of England. In 1833 Newman actively engaged in •The Ox- 
ford Movement,* and finding a middle ground between the Anglican 
and the Catholic Church untenable for him, he entered the Catholic 
Church in 1845. That action greatly increased his celebrity which 
was well sustained by his subsequent writings and sermons. He was 
made a Cardinal, May 12th, 1879. His ^Verses on Various Occasions^ 
were published in 1874, and the hymn, ^Lead, Kindly Light, ^ at once 
established an enduring place in the affections of the English-speaking 
world. He died August nth, 1890. 



PROPERTY AS A DISADVANTAGE 

(Prom a Sermon Delivered at Oxford on the Text: «Woe unto ye that arc 
rich, for ye have received your consolation ») 

THE danger of possessing riches is the carnal security to which 
they lead. That of desiring and pursuing them is, that an 
object of this world is thus set before us as the aim and 
end of life. It seems to be the will of Christ that his followers 
shall have no aim or end, pursuit or business, merely of this 
world. Here, again, I speak as before, not in the way of pre- 
cept, but of doctrine. I am looking at his holy religion as at 
a distance, and determining what is its general character and 
spirit, not what may happen to be the duty of this or that indi- 
vidual who has embraced it. It is his will that all we do should 
be done, not unto men, or to the world, or to self, but to his 
glory; and the more we are enabled to do this simply, the more 



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3094 CARDINAL NEWMAN 

favored we are whenever we act with reference to an object of 
this world. Even though it be ever so pure, we are exposed to 
the temptation (not irresistible, God forbid! still to the tempta- 
tion) of setting our hearts upon obtaining it. And therefore 
we call all such objects excitements, jas stimulating us incongru- 
ously; casting us out of the serenity and stability of heavenly 
faith; attracting us aside by their proximity from our harmoni- 
ous round of duties; and making our thoughts converge to some- 
thing short of that which is infinitely high and eternal. Such 
excitements are of perpetual occurrence, and the mere undergo- 
ing them, so far from involving guilt in the act itself or its 
results, is the great business of life and the discipline of our 
hearts. It is often a sin to withdraw from them, as has been 
the case of some, perhaps, who have gone into monasteries to 
serve God more entirely. On the other hand, it is the very duty 
of the spiritual ruler to labor for the flock committed to him, to 
suffer, and to dare. St. Paul was encompassed with excitements 
hence arising, and his writings show the agitating effect of them 
on his mind. He was like David, a man of war and blood, and 
that for our sakes. Still it holds good that the essential spirit 
of the Gospel is ^ quietness and confidence * ; that the possession 
of these is the highest gift^ and to gain them perfectly our main 
aim. Consequently, however much a duty it is to undergo ex- 
citements when they are sent upon us, it is plainly unchristian, 
a manifest foolishness and sin, to seek out any such, whether 
secular or religious. . . . 

Men of energetic minds and talents for action are called to a 
life of trouble; they are the compensations and antagonists of the 
world's evils; still let them never forget their place. They are 
men of war, and we war that we may obtain peace. They are 
but men of war, honored, indeed, by God's choice, and, in spite of* 
all momentary excitements, resting in the depth of their hearts 
upon the one true vision of Christian faith. Still, after all, they 
are but soldiers in the open field, not builders of the Temple, 
nor inhabitants of those * amiable* and specially blessed * taber- 
nacles,* where the worshiper lives in praise and intercession, 
and is militant amid the unostentatious duties of ordinary life. 
^Martha, Martha, thou art anxious and troubled about many 
things; but one thing is needful, and Mary has chosen that good 
part which shall not be taken away from her.* Such is our 
Lord's judgment, showing that our true happiness consists in 



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being at leisure to serve God without excitements. For this g^t 
we specially pray in one of our collects: * Grant, O Lord, that 
the course of this world may be so peaceably ordered by thy 
governance, that thy Church may jo)rfully serve thee in all godly 
quietness.*^ Persecution, civil changes, and the like, break in upon 
the Church's calm. The greatest privilege of a Christian is to 
have nothing to do with worldly politics — to be governed, to 
submit obediently; and though here again selfishness may creep 
in, and lead a man to neglect public concerns in which he is 
called to take his share, yet, after all, such participation must be 
regarded as a duty, scarcely as a privilege; as the fulfillment of 
trusts committed to him for the good of others, not as the enjoy- 
ment of rights (as men talk in these days of delusion), not as if 
political power were in itself a good. 

I say, then, that it is a part of Christian caution to see that 
our engagements do not become pursuits. Engagements are our 
portion, but pursuits are for the most part of our own choosing. 
We may be engaged in worldly business without pursuing worldly 
objects. *Not slothful in business,* yet * serving the Lord.* In 
this, then, consists the danger of the pursuit of gain, as by trade 
and the like. It is the most common and widely-spread of all 
excitements. It is one in which every one almost may indulge, 
nay, and will be praised by the world for indulging. And it 
lasts through life; in that diflEering from the amusements and 
pleasures of the world, which are short-lived and succeed one 
after another. Dissipation of mind, which these amusements 
create, is itself, indeed, miserable enough; but far worse than 
this dissipation is the concentration of mind upon some worldly 
object which admits of being constantly pursued; and such is 
the pursuit of gain. Nor is it a slight aggravation of the evil 
that anxiety is almost sure to attend it. A life of money-getting 
is a life of care. Prom the first there is a fretful anticipation 
of loss in various ways to depress and unsettle the mind, nay, to 
haunt it, till a man finds he can think about nothing else, and is 
unable to give his mind to religion from the constant whirl of 
business in which he is involved. It is well this should be un- 
derstood. You may hear men talk as if the pursuit of wealth 
was the business of life. They will argue that, by the law of 
nature, a man is bound to gain a livelihood for his family, and 
that he finds a reward in doing so — an innocent and honorable 
satisfaction — as he adds one sum to another, and counts up his 



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CARDINAL NEWMAN 



gains. And, perhaps, they go on to argue that it is the very 
duty of man, since Adam's fall, *^in the sweat of his face,* by 
effort and anxiety, *to eat bread.* How strange it is that they 
do not remember Christ's gracious promise, repealing that ori- 
ginal curse and obviating the necessity of any real pursuit after 
*the meat that perisheth.* In order that we might be delivered 
from the bondage of corruption, he has expressly told us that 
the necessaries of life shall never fail his faithful follower any 
more than the meal and oil the widow woman of Sarepta; that 
while he is bound to labor for his family, he need not be en- 
grossed by his toil — that while he is busy, his heart may be at 
leisure for his Lord. ^Be not anxious, saying: What shall we 
eat ? or, what shall we drink ? or, wherewithal shall we be clothed ? 
For after all these things do the Gentiles seek ; and your Heavenly 
Father knoweth that ye have need of these things.* . . . 

I have now given the main reason why the pursuit of gain, 
whether in a large or a small way, is prejudicial to our spiritual 
interests — that it fixes the mind upon an object of this world. 
Yet others remain behind. Money is a sort of creation, and gives 
the acquirer even more than the possessor an imagination of his 
own power, and tends to make him idolize self. Again, what we 
have hardly won, we are unwilling to part with; so that a man 
who has himself made his wealth will commonly be penurious, 
Nor at least will not part with it except in exchange for what 
will reflect credit on himself and increase his importance. Even 
when his conduct is most disinterested and amiable (as in spend- 
ing for the comfort of those who depend on him), still this in- 
dulgence of self, of pride, and worldliness, insinuates itself. Very 
unlikely, therefore, is it that he should be liberal towards God; 
for religious offerings are an expenditure without sensible return, 
and that upon objects for which the very pursuit of wealth has 
indisposed his mind. Moreover, if it may be added, there is a 
considerable tendency in occupations connected with gain to make 
a man unfair in his dealings; that is, in a subtle way. There 
are so many conventional deceits and prevarications in the de- 
tails of the world's business, so much intricacy in the manage- 
ment of accounts, so many perplexed questions about justice and 
equity, so many plausible subterfuges and fictions of law, so much 
confusion between the distinct yet approximating outlines of hon- 
esty and civil enactment, that it requires a very straightforward 
mind to keep firm hold of strict conscientiousness, honor, and 



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CARDINAL NEWMAN 3097 

truth, and to look at matters in which he is engaged as he would 
have looked on them supposing he now came upon them all at 
once as a stranger. 

And if such be the effect of the pursuit of gain on an indi- 
vidual, doubtless it will be the same on a nation. Only let us 
consider the fact that we are a money-making people, with our 
Savior's declaration before us against wealth, and trust in wealth, 
and we shall have abundant matter for serious thought. 



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DANIEL O'CONNELL 

(1 775-1 847) 

^FTER hearing O'Connell, John Randolph, of Roanoke, called 
him <*the first orator of Europe. » According to Disraeli, 
<*his voice was the finest ever heard in Parliament, distinct, 
deep, sonorous, and flexible.* His style was unadorned and frequently 
slovenly, but the historian Lecky says that the « listener seemed al- 
most to follow the workings of his mind, — to perceive him hewing 
his thoughts into rhetoric with a negligent but colossal grandeur; 
with the chisel not of a Canova, but of a Michael Angelo." In his 
use of epithet he was often bitter, as when he spoke of ^ Scorpion 
Stanley,*^ and it is doubtful if his comparison of Sir Robert Peers 
smile to the shine of a silver plate on a coffin has ever been equaled 
in strangeness or in force. In addressing an Irish audience, it is said 
that he could * whine and wheedle and wink with one eye while be 
wept with the other.* In the long struggle as an agitator which 
finally resulted in Catholic emancipation and almost in permanent 
autonomy for Ireland, he showed himself one of the most effective 
popular leaders of modem times. If those who read his speeches 
now are not fired by them as his audiences were, it is because the 
agitator must always speak to his own generation rather than to pos- 
terity, and must strive to achieve results which will endure in im- 
proved modes of life for his fellows rather than in polished sentences 
or nicely balanced periods. Like his great successor, Pamell, O'Con- 
nell, though frequently rough and sometimes even uncouth in eicpres- 
sion, was always effective in reaching those to whom he appealed. 
Born in County Kerry, Ireland, August 6th, 1775, O'Connell made his 
first great reputation at the bar, but, great as it was, he obscured it 
by his work for Catholic emancipation and as the leader of the Repeal 
Agitation of 1840. He was elected to the English Parliament in 1828. 
Always a thorn in the side of the English Conservatives, be forced 
issues with them by the mass meeting of 1842-43. until they were 
compelled to arrest and convict him for sedition. In the seventeenth 
century he might have been drawn, hanged, and quartered after his 
sentence, but as he lived in the nineteenth it was reversed the year 
after it was pronounced. He died in Italy, May 15th. 1847. 



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DANIEL O'CONNELL 3099 



IRELAND WORTH DYING FOR 



(Delivered at Mullaghmast in Favor of Annulling the Union with England, 

September 1843) 

1 ACCEPT with the greatest alacrity the high honor you have 
done me in calling me to the chair of this majestic meeting. 

I feel more honored than I ever did in my life, with one 
-single exception, and that related to, if possible, an equally ma- 
jestic meeting at Tara. But I must say that if a comparison 
were instituted between them, it would take a more discrimi- 
nating eye than mine to discover any difference between them. 
There are the same incalculable numbers; there is the same 
firmness; there is the same determination; there is the same ex- 
hibition of love to old Ireland; there is the same resolution not 
to violate the peace; not to be guilty of the slightest outrage; 
not to give the enemy power by committing a crime, but peace- 
fully and manfully to stand together in the open day, to protest 
before man and in the presence of Grod against the iniquity of 
continuing the Union. 

At Tara, I protested against the Union — I repeat the protest 
at Mullaghmast. I declare solemnly my thorough conviction as 
a constitutional lawyer, that the Union is totally void in point of 
principle and of constitutional force. I teU you that no portion 
of the empire had the power to traffic on the rights and liberties 
of the Irish people. The Irish people nominated them to make 
laws, and not legislatures. They were appointed to act under 
the Constitution, and not annihilate it. Their delegation from the 
people was confined within the limits of the Constitution, and 
the moment the Irish Parliament went beyond those limits and 
destroyed the Constitution, that moment it annihilated its own 
power, but could not annihilate the immortal spirit of liberty, 
which belongs, as a rightful inheritance, to the people of Ireland. 
Take it then from me that the Union is void. I admit there is 
the force of a law, because it has been supported by the police- 
man's truncheon, by the soldier's bayonet, and by the horseman's 
sword; because it is supported by the courts of law and those 
who have power to adjudicate in them; but I say solemnly, it is 
not supported by constitutional right. The Union, therefore, in 
my thorough conviction, is totally void, and I avail myself of 
this opportunity to announce to several hundreds of thousands 



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DANIEL O^CONNELL 



of my fellow-subjects that the Union is an unconstitutional law 
and that it is not fated to last long — its hour is approaching. 
America offered us her sympathy and support. We refused the 
support, but we accepted the sympathy; and while we accepted 
the sympathy of the Americans, we stood upon the firm ground 
of the right of every human being to liberty; and I, in the name 
of the Irish nation, declare that no support obtained from Amer- 
ica should be purchased by the price of abandoning principle for 
one moment, and that principle is, that every human being is 
entitled to freedom. 

My friends, I want nothing for the Irish but their country, 
and I think the Irish are competent to obtain their own country 
for themselves. I like to have the sympathy of every good man 
everywhere, but I want not armed support or physical strength 
from any country. The Republican party in France offered me 
assistance, I thanked them for their sympathy, but I distinctly 
refused to accept any support from them. I want support from 
neither Prance nor America, and if that usurper, Louis Philippe, 
who trampled on the liberties of his own gallant nation, thought 
fit to assail me in his newspaper, I returned the taunt with 
double vigor, and I denounce him to Europe and the world as a 
treacherous tyrant, who has violated the compact with his own 
country, and therefore is not fit to assist the liberties of any 
other cotmtry. I want not the support of France; I want not 
the support of America; I have physical support enough about 
me to achieve any change; but you know well that it is not my 
plan, — I will not risk the safety of one of you. I could not 
afford the loss of one of you, — I will protect you all, and it is 
better for you all to be merry and alive, to enjoy the repeal of 
the Union; but there is not a man of you there that would not, 
if we were attacked unjustly and illegally, be ready to stand in 
the open field by my side. Let every man that concurs in that 
sentiment lift up his hand. 

[All hands were lifted.] 

The assertion of that sentiment is our sure protection, for no 
person will attack us, and we will attack nobody. Indeed, it 
would be the height of absurdity for us to think of making any 
attack; for there is not one man in his senses in Europe or 
America that does not admit that the repeal of the Union is now 
inevitable. The English papers taunted us, and their writers 



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DANIEL O'CONNELL 3101 

laughed us to scorn; but now they admit that it is impossible to 
resist the application for repeal. More power to you. But that 
even shows we have power enough to know how to use it. 
Why, it is only this week that one of the leading London news- 
papers, called the Morning Herald, which had a reporter at the 
Lismore meeting, published an account of that great and mighty 
meeting, and in that account the writer expressly says that it 
will be impossible to refuse so peaceable, so determined, so unani- 
mous a people as the people of Ireland the restoration of their 
domestic legislature. For my own part, I would have thought it 
wholly unnecessary to call together so large a meeting as this, 
but for the trick played by Wellington, and Peel, and Graham, 
and Stanley, and the rest of the paltry administration, by whose 
government this country is disgraced. I don't suppose so worth- 
less an administration ever before got together. Lord Stanley is 
a renegade from Whiggism, and Sir James Graham is worse. 
Sir Robert Peel has five hundred colors on his bad standard, 
and not one of them is permanent To-day it is orange, to- 
morrow it will be green, the day after neither one nor the other, 
but we shall take care that it shall never be dyed in blood. 

Then there is the poor old Duke of Wellington, and nothing 
was ever so absurd as their deification of him in England. The 
English historian — rather the Scotch one — Alison, an arrant 
Tory, admits that the Duke of Wellington was surprised at Water- 
loo, and if he got victoriously out of that battle, it was owing to 
the valor of the British troops and their unconquerable determi- 
nation to die, but not to yield. No man is ever a good soldier 
but the man who goes into the battle determined to conquer or 
not come back from the battlefield. No other principle makes a 
good soldier; conquer or die is the battle-cry for the good sol- 
dier; conquer or die is his only security. The Duke of Welling- 
ton had troops at Waterloo that had learned that word, and there 
were Irish troops amongst them. You all remember the verses 
made by the poor Shan Van Vocht: — 

«At famed Waterloo 
Duke Wellington would look blue 
If Paddy was not there too, 
Says the Shan Van Vocht. » 

Yes, the glory he got there was bought by the blood of the 
English, Irish, and Scotch soldiers — the glory was yours. He is 



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2102 DANIEL O'CONNELL 

nominally a member of the administration, but yet they would 
not intrust him with any kind of office. He has no duty at all 
to perform, but a sort of Irish anti-repeal warden. I thought 
I never would be obliged to the ministry, but I am obliged to 
them. They put a speech abusing the Irish into the Queen's 
mouth. They accused us of disaffection, but they lied; it is their 
speech; there is no disaffection in Ireland. We were loyal to 
the sovereigns of Great Britain, even when they were our ene- 
mies; we were loyal to George III. even when he betrayed us; 
we were loyal to George IV. when he blubbered and cried when 
we forced him to emancipate us; we were loyal to old Billy, 
though his minister put into his mouth a base, bloody, and in- 
tolerant speech against Ireland; and we are loyal to the Queen, 
no matter what our enemies may say to the contrary. It is not 
the Queen's speech, and I pronounce it to be a lie. There is no 
dissatisfaction in Ireland, but there is this — a full determina- 
tion to obtain justice and liberty. I am much obliged to the 
ministry for that speech, for it gives me, amongst other things, 
an opportunity of addressing such meetings as this. I had held 
the monster meetings. I had fully demonstrated the opinion of 
Ireland. I was convinced their unanimous determination to ob- 
tain liberty was sufficiently signified by the many meetings already 
held; but when the minister's speech came out, it was necessary 
to do something more. Accordingly, I called a monster meeting 
in Loughrea. I called another meeting in Cliflfden. I had an- 
other monster meeting in Lismore, and here now we are assem- 
bled on the Rath of MuUaghmast. 

At MuUaghmast (and I have chosen this for this obvious 
reason), we are on the precise spot where English treachery — aye, 
and false Irish treachery, too — consummated a massacre that has 
never been imitated, save in the massacre of the Mamelukes by 
Mahomet Ali. It was necessary to have Turks atrocious enough to 
commit a crime equal to that perpetrated by Englishmen. But do 
not think that the massacre at MuUaghmast was a question between 
Protestants and Catholics — it was no such thing. The murdered 
persons were to be sure Catholics, but a great number of the 
murderers were also CathoUc and Irishmen, because there were 
then, as well as now, many Catholics who were traitors to Ire- 
land. But we have now this advantage, that we may have many 
honest Protestants joining us — joining us heartily in hand and 
heart, for old Ireland and Uberty. I thought this a fit and 



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DANIEL O^CONNELL 3103 

becoming spot to celebrate, in the open day, our unanimity in 
declaring our determination not to be misled by any treachery. 
Oh, my friends, I will keep you clear of all treachery — there 
shall be no bargain, no compromise with England — we shall take 
nothing but repeal, and a parliament in College Green. You 
will never, by my advice, confide in any false hopes they hold 
out to you; never confide in an3rthing coming from them, or 
cease from your struggle, no matter what promise may be held 
to you, until you hear me say I am satisfied; and I will tell you 
where I will say that — near the statue of King William, in Col- 
lege Green. No; we came here to express our determination to 
die to a man, if necessary, in the cause of old Ireland. We came 
to take advice of each other, and, above all, I believe you came 
here to take my advice. I can tell you, I have the game in my 
hand — I have the triumph secure — I have the repeal certain, 
if you but obey my advice. 

I will go slow, — you must allow me to do so, — but you will 
go sure. No man shall find himself imprisoned or persecuted 
who follows my advice. I have led you thus far in safety; I 
have swelled the multitude of repealers until they are identified 
with the entire population, or nearly the entire population of the 
land, for seven-eighths of the Irish people are now enrolling them- 
selves repealers. [Cheers and cries of ®More power to you.**] I 
don't want more power; I have power enough; and all I ask of 
you is to allow me to use it. I will go on quietly and slowly, 
but I will go on firmly, and with a certainty of success. I am 
now arranging a plan for the formation of the Irish House of 
Conmions. 

It is a theory, but it is a theory that may be realized in three 
weeks. The repeal arbitrators are beginning to act; the people 
are submitting their differences to men chosen by themselves. 
You will see by the newspapers that Doctor Gray and my son, 
and other gentlemen, have already held a petty session of their 
own, where justice will be administered free of all expense to the 
people. The people shall have chosen magistrates of their own 
in the room of the magistrates who have been removed. The 
people shall submit their differences to them, and shall have 
strict justice administered to them that shall not cost them a 
single farfhing. I shall go on with that plan until we have all 
disputes settled and decided by justices appointed by the people 
themselves. [Long may you live!] I wish to live long enough 



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3I04 DANIEL 0»CONNELL 

to have perfect justice administered to Ireland, and liberty pro- 
claimed throughout the land. It will take me some time to 
prepare my plan for the formation of the new Irish House of 
Commons — that plan which we will yet submit to her Majesty 
for her approval when she gets rid of her present paltry admin- 
istration and has one that I can support But I must finish that 
job before I go forth, and one of my reasons for calling you to- 
gether is to state my intentions to you. Before I arrange my 
plan, the Conciliation Hall will be finished, and it will be worth 
any man's while to go from MuUaghmast to Dublin to see it 

When we have it arranged I will call together three hundred, 
as the Times called them, ^'bogtrotters,* but better men never 
stepped on pavement. But I will have the three himdred, and 
no thanks to them. Wales is up at present, almost in a state of 
insurrection. The people there have found that the landlords* 
power is too great, and has been used tyranically, and I believe 
you agree with them tolerably well in that. They insist on the 
sacredness of the right of the tenants to security of possession, 
and with the equity of tenure which I would establish we will do 
the landlords full justice, but we will do the people justice also. 
We will recollect that the land is the landlord's, and let him 
have the benefit of it, but we will also recollect that the labor 
belongs to the tenant, and the tenant must have the value of his 
labor, not transitory and by the day, but permanently and by the 
year. Yes, my friends, for this purpose I must get some time. I 
worked the present repeal year tolerably well. I believe no one 
in January last would believe that we could have such a meeting 
within the year as the Tara demonstration. You may be sure of 
this, — and I say it in the presence of him who will judge me, — 
that I never will willfully deceive you. I have but one wish un- 
der heaven, and that is for the liberty and prosperity of Ireland. 
I am for leaving England to the English, Scotland to the Scotch, 
but we must have Ireland for the Irish. I will not be content 
until I see not a single man in any office, from the lowest con- 
stable to the lord chancellor, but Irishmen. This is our land, 
and we must have it. We will be obedient to the Queen, joined 
to England by the golden link of the Crown, but we must have 
our own parliament, our own bench, oiir own magistrates, and we 
will give some of the shoneens who now occupy the bench leave 
to retire, such as those lately appointed by Sugden. He is*a 
pretty boy, sent here from England; but I ask; Did vou ever hear 



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DANIEL 0»CONNELL 



3105 



such a name as he has got ? I remember, in Wexford, a man told 
me he had a pig at home which he was so fond of that he would 
call it Sugden. No; we shall get judicial independence for Ire- 
land. It is for this purpose we are assembled here to-day, as 
every countenance I see around me testifies. If there is any one 
here who is for the Union, let him say so. Is there anybody here 
for the repeal ? [Cries of « All, all ! » ] 

Yes, my friends, the Union was begot in iniquity — it was per- 
petuated in fraud and cruelty. It was no compact, no bargain, 
but it was an act of the most decided t3rranny and corruption 
that was ever yet perpetrated. Trial by jury was suspended — 
the right of personal protection was at an end — courts-martial 
sat throughout the land — and the county of Kildare, among 
others, flowed with blood. Oh, my friends, listen now to the man 
of peace, who will never expose you to the power of your ene- 
mies. In 1798 there were some brave men, some valiant men, 
to head the people at large; but there were many traitors, who 
left the people in the power of their enemies. The Curragh of 
Kildare afforded an instance of the fate which Irishmen were to 
expect, who confided in their Saxon enemies. Oh, it was an ill- 
organized, a premature, a foolish, and an absurd insurrection; 
but you have a leader now who never will allow you to commit 
any act so foolish or so destructive. How delighted do I feel with 
the thorough conviction which has come over the minds of the 
people, that they could not gratify your enemies more than by 
committing a crime. No; our ancestors suffered for confiding in 
the English, but we never will confide in them. They suffered 
for being divided amongst themselves. There is no division 
amongst us. They suffered for their own dissensions — for not 
standing man to man by each other's side. We shall stand peace- 
ably side by side in the face of every enemy. Oh, how delighted 
was I in the scenes which I witnessed as I came along here to- 
day! How my heart throbbed, how my spirit was elevated, how 
my bosoto swelled with delight at the multitude which I beheld, 
and which I shall behold, of the stalwart and strong men of Kil- 
dare ! I was delighted at the activity and force that I saw around 
me, and my old heart grew warm again in admiring the beauty 
of the dark-eyed maids and matrons of Kildare. Oh, there is a 
starlight sparkling from the eye of a Kildare beauty, that is 
scarcely equaled, . and could not be excelled, all over the world. 
And remember that you are the sons, the fathers, the brothers, 
vm — 195 



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DANIEL O'CONNELL 



and the husbands of such women, and a traitor or a coward could 
never be connected with any of them. Yes, I am in a county, 
remarkable in the history of Ireland for its bravery and its mis- 
fortune, for its credulity in the faith of others, for its people 
judged of the Saxon by the honesty and honor of their own nat- 
ures. I am in a county celebrated for the sacredness of its 
shrines and fanes. I am in a county where the lamp of Kildare's 
holy shrine burned with its sacred fire, through ages of darkness 
and storm — that fire which for six centuries burned before the 
high altar without being extinguished, being fed continuously, 
without the slightest interruption, and it seemed to me to have 
been not an inapt representation of the continuous fidelity and 
religious love of country of the men of Kildare. Yes, you have 
those high qualities — religious fidelity, continuous love of coun- 
try. Even your enemies admit that the world has never produced 
any people that exceeded the Irish in activity and strength. The 
Scottish philosopher has declared, and the French philosopher has 
confirmed it, that number one in the human race is, blessed be 
heaven, the Irishman. In moral virtue, in religion, in persever- 
ance, and in glorious temperance, you excel. Have I any tee- 
totallers here ? Yes, it is teetotalism that is repealing the Union. 
I could not afford to bring you together, I would not dare to 
bring you together, but that I had the teetotalers for my police. 
Yes, among the nations of the earth, Ireland stands number 
one in the physical strength of her sons and in the beauty and 
purity of her daughters. Ireland, land of my forefathers, how 
my mind expands, and my spirit walks abroad in something of 
majesty, when I contemplate the high qualities, inestimable vir- 
tues, and true purity and piety and religious fidelity of the in- 
habitants of your green fields and productive mountains. Oh, 
what a scene surrounds us! It is not only the countless thou- 
sands of brave and active and peaceable and religious men that 
are here assembled, but Nature herself has written her character 
with the finest beauty in the verdant plains that surroimd us. 
Let any man run round the horizon with his eye, and tell me if 
created nature ever produced anything so green and so lovely, so 
undulating, so teeming with production. The richest harvests 
that any land can produce are those reaped in Ireland; and then 
here are the sweetest meadows, the greenest fields, the loftiest 
mountains, the purest streams, the noblest rivers, the most ca- 
pacious harbors — and her water power is equal to turn the 



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DANIEL O'CONNELL 



3107 



machinery of the whole world. Oh, my friends, it is a country 
worth fighting for — it is a country worth dying for; but above 
all, it is a country worth being tranquil, determined, submissive, 
and docile for; disciplined as you are in obedience to those who 
are breaking the way, and trampling down the barriers between 
you and your constitutional liberty, I will see every man of you 
having a vote, and every man protected by the ballot from the 
agent or landlord. I will see labor protected, and every title to 
possession recognized, when you are industrious and honest. I 
will see prosperity again throughout your land — the busy hum of 
the shuttle and the tinkling of the smithy shall be heard again. 
We shall see the nailer employed even until the middle of the 
night, and the carpenter covering himself with his chips. I will 
see prosperity in all its gradations spreading through a happy, 
contented, religious land. I will hear the hymn of a happy peo- 
ple go forth at sunrise to God in praise of his mercies — and I 
will see the evening sun set down amongst the uplifted hands 
of a religious and free population. Every blessing that man can 
bestow and religion can confer upon the faithful heart shall 
spread throughout the land. Stand by me — join with me — I 
will say be obedient to me, and Ireland shall be free. 



DEMANDING JUSTICE 
(From a Speech Delivered in the House of Commons, February 4th, 1836) 

IT APPEARS to me impossible to suppose that the House will 
consider me presumptuous in wishing to be heard for a short 
time on this question, especially after the distinct manner in 
which I have been alluded to in the course of the debate. If I 
had no other excuse, that would be sufi&cient; but I do not want 
it; I have another and a better — the question is one in the high- 
est degree interesting to the people of Ireland. It is, whether we 
mean to do justice to that country — whether we mean to con- 
tinue the injustice which has been already done to it, or to hold 
out the hope that it will be treated in the same manner as Eng- 
land and Scotland, That is the question. We know what *lip 
service '^ is ; we do not want that. There are some men who will 
even declare that they are willing to refuse justice to Ireland; 
while there are others who, though they are ashamed to say so> 
are ready to consummate the iniquity, and they do so. 



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DANIEL O'CONNELL 



England never did do justice to Ireland — she never did. 
What we have got of it, we have extorted from men opposed to 
us on principle — against which principle they have made us 
such concessions as we have obtained from them. The right 
honorable baronet opposite [Sir Robert Peel] says he does not 
distinctly understand what is meant by a principle. I believe 
him. He advocated religious exclusion on religious motives: he 
yielded that point at length, when we were strong enough to 
make it prudent for him to do so. 

Here am I calling for justice to Ireland; but there is a coali- 
tion to-night — not a base unprincipled one — God forbid! — it is 
an extremely natural one; I mean that between the right honor- 
able baronet and the noble lord the Member for North Lanca- 
shire [Lord Stanley]. It is a natural coalition — and it is im- 
promptu; for the noble lord informs us he had not even a notion 
of taking the part he has, until the moment at which he seated 
himself where he now is. I know his candor: he told us it was 
a sudden inspiration which induced him to take part against Ire- 
land. I believe it with the most potent faith, because I know 
that he requires no preparation for voting against the interests of 
the Irish people. [Groans.] I thank you for that groan — it is 
just of a piece with the rest. I regret much that I have been 
thrown upon arguing this particular question, because I should 
have liked to have dwelt upon the speech which has been so 
graciously delivered from the throne to-day — to have gone into 
its details, and to have pointed out the many great and beneficial 
alterations and amendments in our existing institutions which it 
hints at and recommends to the House. The speech of last year 
was full of reforms in words, and in words only; but this speech 
contains the great leading features of all the salutary reforms the 
country wants; and if they are worked out fairly and honestly in 
detail, I am convinced the country will require no further amelio- 
ration of its institutions, and that it will become the envy and 
admiration of the world. I, therefore, hail the speech with great 
satisfaction. 

It has been observed that the object of a King's speech is to 
say as little in as many words as possible; but this speech con- 
tains more things than words — it contains those great principles 
which, adopted in practice, will be most salutary, not only to the 
British Empire, but to the world. When speaking of our foreign 
policy, it rejoices in the co-operation between France and this 



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DANIEL O'CONNELL 3109 

country; but it abstains from conveying any ministerial appro- 
bation of alterations in the domestic laws of that coimtry which 
aim at the suppression of public liberty, and the checking of 
public discussion, such as call for individual reprobation, and 
which I reprobate as much as any one. I should like to know 
whether there is a statesman in the country who will get up in 
this House and avow his approval of such proceedings on the 
part of the French Government. I know it may be done out of 
the House amid the cheers of an assembly of friends; but the 
Government have, in my opinion, wisely abstained from reprobat- 
ing such measures in the speech, while they have properly ex- 
ulted in such a union of the two countries as will contribute to 
the national independence and the public liberty of Europe. . . . 
Years are coming over me, but my heart is as young and as 
ready as ever in the service of my country, of which I glory in 
being the pensionary and the hired advocate. I stand in a situa- 
tion in which no man ever stood yet — the faithful friend of my 
country — its servant — its slave, if you will — I speak its senti- 
ments by turns to you and to itself. I require no ^^^20,000, 000 
on behalf of Ireland — I ask you only for justice: — will you — 
can you — I will not say dare you refuse, because that would 
make you turn the other way. I implore you, as English gentle- 
men, to take this matter into consideration now, because you 
never had such an opportunity of conciliating. Experience makes 
fools wise; you are not fools, but you have yet to be convinced. 
I cannot forget the year 1825. We begged then as we would 
for a beggar's boon; we asked for emancipation by all that is 
sacred amongst us, and I remember how my speech and person 
were treated on the Treasury Bench, when I had no opportunity 
of reply. The other place turned us out and sent us back again, 
but we showed that justice, was with us. The noble lord says 
the other place has declared the same sentiments with himself; 
but he could not use a worse argument. It is the very reason 
why we should acquiesce in the measure of reform, for we have 
no hope from that House — all our hopes are centred in this; 
and I am the living representative of those hopes. I have no 
other reason for adhering to the ministry than because they, the 
chosen representatives of the people of England, are anxiously 
determined to give the same measure of reform to Ireland as 
that which England has received. I have not fatigued myself, 
but the House, in coming forward upon this occasion. I may be 



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31 lo DANIEL O'CONNELL 

laughed and sneered at by those who talk of my power; but 
what has created it but the injustice that has been done in Ire- 
land ? That is the end and the means of the magic, if you please 
— the groundwork of my influence in Ireland. If you refuse 
justice to that country, it is a melancholy consideration to me to 
think that you are adding substantially to that power and influ- 
ence, while you are wounding my country to its very heart's core; 
weakening that throne, the monarch who sits upon which, you 
say you respect; severing that union which, you say, is bound 
together by the tightest links, and withholding that justice from 
Ireland which she will not cease to seek till it is obtained; every 
man must admit that the course I am taking is the legitimate 
and proper course — I defy any man to say it is not. Condemn 
me elsewhere as much as you please, but this you must admit. 
You may taunt the ministry with having coalesced me, you may 
raise the. vulgar cry of ^ Irishman and Papist * against me, you 
may send out men called ministers of God to slander and calum- 
niate me; they may assume whatever garb they please, but the 
question comes into this narrow compass. I demand, I respect- 
fully insist on equal justice for Ireland, on the same principle by 
which it has been administered to Scotland and England. I will 
not take less. Refuse me that if you can. 



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HARRISON GRAY OTIS 

(1765-1848) 

f ARRisoN Gray Otis, nephew of James Otis, and a leader among 
New England Federalists, was bom in Boston, October 8th, 
1765. He was educated at the Boston Latin School and at 
Harvard University. After studying law in Boston, he was elected to 
succeed Fisher Ames in the House of Representatives, where he op- 
posed Jefferson's theories with great vigor. Leaving the House in 1801, 
he was Speaker of the Massachusetts House of Representatives in 
1803, and two years later was elected to the Presidency of the State 
Senate where he served until 18 14. In that year he was one of the 
leading members of the Hartford Convention; in the year following 
he was elected to the United States Senate where he remained until 
1822. He died October 28th, 1848. It is said that during the delivery 
of his oration on Hamilton, ^all hung with breathless admiration on 
his words, and at the end, in stillness indicative of the deepest sor- 
row, returned to their homes with only the consolation that such men 
as Ames and Otis remained.'^ 



HAMILTON'S INFLUENCE ON AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS 
(Pronounced at the Request of the Citizens of Boston, July 36th, 1804) 

WE ARE convened, afflicted fellow-citizens, to perform the only 
duties which our republics acknowledge or fulfill to their 
illustrious dead; to present to departed excellence an ob- 
lation of gratitude and respect; to inscribe its virtues on the um 
which contains its ashes; and to consecrate its example by the 
tears and sympathy of an affectionate people. 

Must we, then, realize that Hamilton is no more! Must the 
sod, not yet cemented on the tomb of Washington, still moist with 
our tears, be so soon disturbed to admit the beloved companion 
of Washington, the partner of his dangers, the object of his con- 
fidence, the disciple who leaned upon his bosom! Insatiable 
Death! Will not the heroes and statesmen, whom mad ambition 
has sent from the crimsoned fields of Europe, suffice to people 



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31 12 HARRISON GRAY OTIS 

thy dreary dominions I Thy dismal avenues have been thronged 
with princely martyrs and illustrious victims. Crowns and scep- 
tres, the spoils of royalty, are among thy recent trophies, and 
the blood of innocence and valor has flowed in torrents at thy 
inexorable command. Such have been thy ravages in the Old 
World. And in our infant country how small was the remnant 
of our Revolutionary heroes which had been spared from thy fatal 
grasp! Could not otir Warren, our Montgomery, our Mercer, 
our Greene, our Washington appease thy vengeance for a few 
short years! Shall none of our early patriots be permitted to 
behold the perfection of their own work in the stability of our 
government and the maturity of our institutions! Or hast thou 
predetermined, dread King of Terrors, to blast the world's best 
hope, and by depriving us of all the conductors of our glorious 
Revolution, compel us to bury our liberties in their tombs! O 
Hamilton, great would be the relief of my mind, were I permitted 
to exchange the arduous duty of attempting to portray the varied 
excellence of thy character, for the privilege of venting the deep 
and unavailing sorrow which swells my bosom, at the remem- 
brance of the gentleness of thy nature, of thy splendid talents 
and placid virtues! But, my respected friends, an indulgence of 
these feelings would be inconsistent with that deliberate recital 
of the services and qualities of this great man, which is required 
by impartial justice and your expectations. 

In governments which recognize the distinctions of splendid 
birth and titles, the details of illustrious lineage and connections 
become interesting to those who are accustomed to value those 
advantages. But in the man whose loss we deplore, the interval 
between manhood and death was so uniformly filled by a display 
of the energies of his mighty mind that the world has scarcely 
paused to inquire into the story of his infant or puerile years. 
He was a planet, the dawn of which was not perceived; which 
rose with full splendor, and emitted a constant stream of glorious 
light until the hour of its sudden and portentous eclipse. 

At the age of eighteen, while cultivating his mind at Colum- 
bia College, he was roused from the leisure and delights of sci- 
entific groves by the din of war. He entered the American 
army as an officer of artillery, and at that early period familiar- 
ized himself to wield both his sword and his pen in the service 
of his country. He developed at once the qualities which com- 
mand precedency and the modesty which conceals its pretensions. 



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HARRISON GRAY OTIS 31 13 

Frank, affable, intelligent and brave, young Hamilton became 
the favorite of his fellow-soldiers. His intuitive perception and 
correct judgment rendered him a rapid proficient in military sci- 
ence, and his merit silenced the envy which it excited. 

A most honorable distinction now awaited him. He attracted 
the attention of the commander in chief, who appointed him an 
aid and honored him with his confidence and friendship. This 
domestic relation afforded to both frequent means of comparing 
their opinions upon the policy and destinies of our country, upon 
the sources of its future prosperity and grandeur, upon the im- 
perfection of its existing establishments, and to digest those prin- 
ciples, which, in happier times, might be interwoven into a more 
perfect model of government. Hence, probably, originated that 
filial veneration for Washington and adherence to his maxims, 
which were ever conspicuous in the deportment of Hamilton; 
and hence the exalted esteem and predilection uniformly dis- 
played by the magnanimous patron to the faithful and affection- 
ate pupil. 

While the disasters of the American army and the persever- 
ance of the British ministry presented the gloomy prospect of 
protracted warfare, young Hamilton appeared to be content in 
his station, and with the opportunities which he had of fighting 
by the side, and executing the orders of his beloved chief. But 
the investment of the army of Comwallis suddenly changed the 
aspect of affairs and rendered it probable that this campaign, if 
successful, would be the most brilliant and decisive of any that 
was likely to occur. It now appeared that his heart had long 
panted for an occasion to signalize his intrepidity and devotion 
to the service of his country. He obtained, by earnest entreaties, 
the command of a detachment destined to storm the works of 
Yorktown. It is well known with what undaunted courage he 
pressed on to the assault, with unloaded arms, presented his 
bosom to the dangers of the bayonet, carried the fort, and thus 
eminently contributed to decide the fate of the battle and of his 
country. But even here the impetuosity of the youthful con- 
queror was restrained by the clemency of the benevolent man: 
the butchery of the American garrison at New London would 
have justified and seemed to demand an exercise of the rigors of 
retaliation. This was strongly intimated to Colonel Hamilton, 
but we find in his report to his commanding oflScer, in his own 
words, that, *^ incapable of imitating examples of barbarity, and 



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3 1 14 HARRISON GRAY OTIS 

forgetting recent provocations, he spared every man who ceased 
to resist.* 

Having, soon afterwards, terminated his military career, he re- 
turned to New York and qualified himself to commence practice 
as a counselor at law. But the duties and emoluments of his 
profession were not then permitted to stifle his solicitude to give 
a correct tone to public opinion by the propagation of principles 
worthy of adoption by a people who had just undertaken to gov- 
ern themselves. He found the minds of men chafed and irritated 
by the recollection of their recent sufferings and dangers. The 
city of New York, so long a garrison, presented scenes and inci- 
dents which naturally aggravated these dispositions, and too many 
were inclined to fan the flame of discord and mar the enjoyment 
and advantages of peace, by fomenting the animosities engen- 
dered by the collisions of war. To soothe these angry passions, 
to heal these wounds, to demonstrate the folly and inexpediency 
of scattering the bitter tares of national prejudice and private 
rancor among the seeds of public prosperity, were objects worthy 
of the heart and head of Hamilton. To these he applied himself 
and, by a luminous pamphlet, assuaged the public resentment 
against those whose sentiments had led them to oppose the Rev- 
olution, and thus preserved from exile many valuable citizens 
who have supported the laws and increased the opulence of their 
native State. 

From this period he appears to have devoted himself princi- 
pally to professional occupations, which were multiplied by his 
increasing celebrity until he became a member of the convention 
which met at Annapolis, merely for the purpose of devising a 
mode of levying and collecting a general impost. Although the 
object of this convention was thus limited, yet so manifold in his 
view were the defects of the old confederation, that a reform, in 
one particular, would be ineffectual; he, therefore, first suggested 
the proposal of attempting a radical change in its principles, and 
the address to the people of the United States recommending 
a general convention, with more extensive powers, which was 
adopted by that assembly, was the work of his pen. 

To the second convention, which framed the Constitution, he 
was also deputed as a delegate from the State of New York. 

In that assemblage of the brightest jewels of America, the 
genius of Hamilton sparkled with pre-eminent lustre. The best 
of our orators were improved by the example of his eloquence. 



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HARRISON GRAY OTIS 



3"5 



The most experienced of our statesmen were instructed by the 
solidity of his sentiments, and all were convinced of the utility 
and extent of his agency in framing the Constitution. 

When the instrument was presented to the people for their 
ratification, the obstacles incident to every attempt to combine 
the interests, views, and opinions of the various States threat- 
ened, in some of them, to frustrate the hopes and exertions of its 
friends. The fears of the timid, the jealousies of the ignorant, 
the arts of the designing, and the sincere conviction of the super- 
ficial, were arrayed into a formidable alliance, in opposition to the 
system. But the magic pen of Hamilton dissolved this league. 
Animated by the magnitude of his object, he enriched the daily 
papers with the researches of a mind teeming with political infor- 
mation. In these rapid essays, written amid the avocations of busi- 
ness, and under the pressure of the occasion, it would be natural 
to expect that much would require revision and correction; but 
in the mind of Hamilton nothing was superficial but resentment 
of injuries, nothing fugitive but those transient emotions which 
sometimes lead virtue astray. These productions of his pen are 
now considered as a standard commentary upon the nature of 
our Government, and he lived to hear them quoted by his friends 
and adversaries, as high authority in the tribunals of justice and 
in the legislature of the nation. 

When the Constitution was adopted, and Washington was 
called to the presidency by his grateful country, our departed 
friend was appointed to the charge of the Treasury Department, 
and of consequence became a confidential member of the admin- 
istration. In this new sphere of action he displayed a ductility 
and extent of genius, a fertility in expedients, a faculty of ar- 
rangement, an industry in application to business, and a promp- 
titude in despatch; but, beyond all, a purity of public virtue and 
disinterestedness which are too mighty for the grasp of my feeble 
powers of description. Indeed, the public character of Hamilton 
and his measures from this period are so intimately connected 
with the history of our coimtry that it is impossible to do justice 
to one without devoting a volume to the other. The Treasury of 
the United States at the time of his entrance upon the duties of 
his office was literally a creature of the imagination, and existed 
only in name, unless folios of unsettled balances and bundles 
of reproachful claims were deserving the name of a Treasury. 
Money there was none, and of public credit scarcely a shadow re- 



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HARRISON GRAY OTIS 



mained. No national system for raising and collecting a revenue 
had been attempted, and no estimate could be formed from the 
experiments of the different States of the probable result of any 
project of deriving it from commerce. The national debt was not 
only unpaid, but its amount was a subject of uncertainty and 
conjecture. Such was the chaos from which the Secretary was 
called upon to elicit the elements of a regular system, adequate 
to the immediate exigencies of a new and expensive establish- 
ment, and to an honorable provision for the public debt. His 
arduous duty was not to reform abuses, but to create resources; 
not to improve upon precedent, but to invent a model. In an 
ocean of experiment he had neither chart nor compass, but those 
of his own invention. Yet such was the comprehensive vigor of 
his mind that his original projects possessed the hardihood of 
settled regulations. His sketches were little short of the perfec- 
tion of finished pictures. In the first session of Congress he pro- 
duced a plan for the organization of the Treasury Department 
and for the collection of a national revenue, and in the second a 
report of a system for funding the national debt. Great objections 
were urged against the expediency of the principles assumed by 
him for the basis of his system; but no doubt ren^dned of their 
effect. A dormant capital was revived, and with it commerce 
and agriculture awoke as from the sleep of death. By the en- 
chantment of this ^^ mighty magician,* the beauteous fabric of 
public credit rose in full majesty upon the ruins of the old con- 
federation, and men gazed with astonishment upon a youthful 
prodigy, who, at the age of thirty-three, having already been the 
ornament of the camp, the forum, and the Senate, was now sud- 
denly transformed into an accomplished financier and a self- 
taught adept, not only in the general principles, but the intricate 
details of his new department. 

It is not wonderful that such resplendent powers of doing 
right should have exposed him to the suspicion of doing wrong. 
He was suspected and accused. His political adversaries were 
his judges. Their investigation of his conduct and honorable ac- 
quittal added new lustre to his fame and confirmed the national 
sentiment that in his public character he was, indeed, ^a man 
without fear and without reproach.*^ 

To his exertions in this department, we are indebted for many 
important institutions. Among others, the plan of redeeming the 
public debt, and of a national bank to facilitate the operations of 



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HARRISON GRAY OTIS 



3"7 



government, were matured and adopted under his auspices; and 
so complete were his arrangements, that his successors, though 
men of undoubted talents, and one of them a political opponent, 
have found nothing susceptible of material improvement. 

But the obligations of his country during this period were 
not confined to his merit as a financier. 

The flame of insurrection was kindled in the western counties 
of Pennsylvania and raged with such violence that large detach- 
ments of military force were marched to the scene of the dis- 
turbance and the presence of the great Washington was judged 
necessary to quell the increasing spirit of revolt. He ordered 
the Secretary to quit the duties of his department and attend him 
on the expedition. His versatile powers were immediately and 
eflScaciously applied to restore the authority of the laws. The 
principal burden of the important civil and military arrange- 
ments requisite for this purpose devolved upon his shoulders. 
It was owing to his humanity that the leaders of this rebellion 
escaped exemplary punishment; and the successful issue was, in 
public and unqualified terms, ascribed to him by those whose po- 
litical relations would not have prompted them to pay the hom- 
age of unmerited praise. 

He was highly instrumental in preserving our peace and neu- 
trality, and saving us from the ruin which has befallen the re- 
publics of the Old World. Upon this topic I am desirous of 
avoiding every intimation which might prove offensive to indi- 
viduals of any party. God forbid that the sacred sorrow, in which 
we all unite, should be disturbed by the mixture of any unkindly 
emotions! I would merely do justice to this honored shade, with- 
out arraigning the motives of those who disapproved and opposed 
his measures. 

The dangers which menaced our infant Government at the 
commencement of the French Revolution are no longer a subject 
of controversy. The principles professed by the first leaders of 
that Revolution were so congenial to those of the American peo- 
ple; their pretenses of aiming merely at the reformation of 
abuses were so plausible; the spectacle of a great people strug- 
gling to recover their * long-lost liberties'* was so imposing and 
august; while that of a combination of tyrants to conquer and 
subjugate was so revolting; the services received from one of 
the belligerent powers and the injuries inflicted by the other 
were so recent in our minds, that the sensibility of the nation 



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HARRISON GRAY OTIS 



was excited to the most exquisite pitch. To this disposition, so 
favorable to the wishes of France, every appeal was made, which 
intrigue, corruption, flattery, and threats could dictate. At this 
dangerous and dazzling crisis, there were but few men entirely 
exempt from the general delirium. Among that few was Hamil- 
ton. His penetrating eye discerned, and his prophetic voice fore- 
told, the tendency and consequence of the first revolutionary 
movements. He was assured that every people which should 
espouse the cause of France would pass under her yoke, and that 
the people of France, like every nation which surrenders its rea- 
son to the mercy of demagogues, would be driven by the storms 
of anarchy upon the shores of despotism. All this he knew 
was conformable to the invariable law of nature and experience 
of mankind. From the reach of this desolation he was anxious 
to save his country, and in the pursuit of his purpose he breasted 
the assaults of calumny and prejudice. ^ The torrent roared, and 
he did buffet it.^ Appreciating the advantages of a neutral po- 
sition, he co-operated with Washington, Adams, and the other 
patriots of that day, in the means best adapted to maintain it 
The rights and duties of neutrality proclaimed by the President 
were explained and enforced by Hamilton in the character of 
Pacificus. The attempts to corrupt and intimidate were resisted. 
The British treaty was justified and defended as an honorable 
compact with our natural friends, and pregnant with advantages 
which have since been realized and acknowledged by its oppo- 
nents. 

By this pacific and vigorous policy, in the whole course of 
which the genius and activity of Hamilton were conspicuous, time 
and information were afforded to the American nation, and cor- 
rect views were acquired of our situation and interests. We be- 
held the republics of Europe march in procession to the funeral 
of their own liberties, by the lurid light of the revolutionary 
torch. The tumult of the passions subsided, the wisdom of the 
administration was perceived, and America now remains a soli- 
tary monument in the desolated plains of liberty. 

Having remained at the head of the Treasury several years^ 
and filled its coffers; having developed the sources of an ample 
revenue, and tested the advantages of his own system by his own 
experience; and having expended his private fortune, he found 
it necessary to retire from public employment and to devote his 
attention to the claims of a large and dear family. What brighter 



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HARRISON GRAY OTIS jup 

instance of disinterested honor has ever been exhibited to an 
admiring world! That a man, upon whom devolved the task of 
originating a system of revenue for a nation; of devising the 
checks in his own department; of providing for the collection of 
sums, the amomit of which was conjectural; that a man, who 
anticipated the effects of a funding system, yet a secret in his 
own bosom, and who was thus enabled to have secured a princely 
fortune, consistently with principles esteemed fair by the worid; 
that such a man, by no means addicted to an expensive or ex- 
travagant style of living, should have retired from office destitute 
of means adequate to the wants of mediocrity and have resorted 
to professional labor for the means of decent support, are facts 
which must instruct and astonish those who, in countries habitu- 
ated to corruption and venality, are more attentive to the gains 
than to the duties of official station. Yet Hamilton was that 
man. It was a fact, always known to his friends, and it is now 
evident from his testament, made under a deep presentiment of 
his approaching fate. Blush, then, ministers and warriors of im- 
perial France, who have deluded your nation by pretensions to a 
disinterested regard for its liberties and rights. Disgorge the 
riches extorted from your fellow-citizens and the spoils amassed 
from confiscation and blood! Restore to impoverished nations 
the price paid by them for the privilege of slavery, and now ap- 
propriated to the refinements of luxury and corruption! Approach 
the tomb of Hamilton, and compare the insignificance of your 
gorgeous palaces with the awful majesty of this tenement of 
clay! 

We again accompany our friend in the walks of private life, 
and in the assiduous pursuit of his profession, until the aggres- 
sions of France compelled the nation to assume the attitude of 
defense. He was now invited by the great and enlightened 
statesman, who had succeeded to the presidency, and at the ex- 
press request of the commander in chief, to accept the second 
rank in the army. Though no man had manifested a greater 
desire to avoid war, yet it is freely confessed that when war ap- 
peared to be inevitable, his heart exulted in *^the tented field,* 
and he loved the life and occupation of a soldier. His early 
habits were formed amid the fascinations of the camp. And 
though the pacific poKcy of Adams once more rescued us from 
war, and shortened the existence of the army establishment, yet 



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31 20 HARRISON GRAY OTIS 

its duration was suflScient to secure to him the love and confi- 
dence of officers and men, to enable him to display the talents 
and qualities of a great general, and to justify the most favora- 
ble prognostics of his prowess in the field. 

Once more this excellent man unloosed the helmet from his 
brow and returned to the duties of the forum. From this time 
he persisted in a firm resolution to decline all civil honors and 
promotion, and to live a private citizen, unless again summoned 
to the defense of his country. He became more than ever assid- 
uous in his practice at the bar and intent upon his plans of 
domestic happiness, until a nice and mistaken estimate of the 
claims of honor impelled him to the fatal act which terminated 
his life. 

While it is far from my intention to draw a veil over this 
last great error, or in the least measure to justify a practice 
which threatens in its progress to destroy the liberty of speech 
and of opinion, it is but justice to the deceased to state the cir- 
cumstances which should palliate the resentment that may be 
excited in some good minds towards his memory. From the last 
sad memorial which we possess from his hand, and in which, if 
our tears permit, we may trace the sad presage of the impending 
catastrophe, it appears that his religious principles were at vari- 
ance with the practice of dueling and that he could not recon- 
cile his benevolent, heart to shed the blood of an adversary in 
private combat, even in his own defense. It was, then, from 
public motives, that he committed this great mistake. It was for 
the benefit of his country that he erroneously conceived himself 
obliged to make the painftil sacrifice of his principles, and to ex- 
pose his life. The sober judgment of the man was confounded 
and misdirected by the jealous honor of the soldier; and he evi- 
dently adverted to the possibility of events that might render 
indispensable the esteem and confidence of soldiers, as well as of 
citizens. 

But while religion mourns for this aberration of the judgment 
of a great man, she derives some consolation from his testimony 
in her favor. If she rejects the policy, she admits the repent- 
ance; and if the good example be not an atonement, it may be 
an antidote for the bad. Let us, then, in an age of infidelity, 
join, in imagination, the desolate group of wife and children and 
friends who surround the dying bed of the inquisitive, the lum- 



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HARRISON GRAY OTIS 3121 

inous, the scientific Hamilton, and witness his attestation to the 
truth and comforts of our holy religion. Let us behold the lofty 
warrior bow his head before the cross of the meek and lowly 
Jesus; and he who had so lately graced the sumptuous tables 
and society of the luxurious and rich, now regardless of these 
meaner pleasures, and aspiring to be admitted to a sublime en- 
joyment with which no worldly joys can compare; to a devout 
and humble participation of the bread of life. The religious fer- 
vor of his last moments was not an impulse of decaying nature 
yielding to its fears, but the result of a firm conviction of the 
truths of the Gospel. I am well informed that in early life the- 
evidences of the Christian religion had attracted his serious ex- 
amination and obtained his deliberate assent to their truth, and 
that he daily, upon his knees, devoted a portion of time to a 
compliance with one of its most important injunctions; and that, 
however these edifying propensities might have yielded occasion- 
ally to the business and temptations of life, they always resumed 
their influence and would probably have prompted him to a pub- 
lic profession of his faith in his Redeemer. 

Such was the untimely fate of Alexander Hamilton, whose 
character warrants the apprehension that ^take him for all in 
all, we ne'er shall look upon his like again. ^ 

Nature, even in the partial distribution of her favors, gener- 
ally limits the attainments of great men within distinct and par- 
ticular spheres of eminence. But he was the darling of nature, 
and privileged beyond the rest of her favorites. His mind 
caught at a glance that perfect comprehension of a subject for 
which others are indebted to a patient labor and investigation. 
In whatever department he was called to act, he discovered an 
intuitive knowledge of its duties, which gave him an immediate 
ascendency over those who had made them the study of their 
lives; so that, after running through the circle of oflSce, as a sol- 
dier, statesman, and financier, no question remained for which he 
had been qualified, but only in which he had evinced the most 
superlative merit. He did not dissemble his attachment to a 
military life, nor his consciousness of possessing talents for com- 
mand; yet no man more strenuously advocated the rights of the 
civil over the military power, nor more cheerfully abdicated com- 
mand and returned to the rank of the citizen, when his country 
could dispense with the necessity of an army. 

VIU— X96 



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312 2 HARRISON GRAY OTIS 

In his private profession, at a bar abounding with men of 
learning and experience, he was without a rival. He arranged, 
with the happiest facility, the materials collected in the vast 
storehouse of his memory, surveyed his subject under all its as- 
pects, and enforced his arguments with such powers of reasoning, 
that nothing was wanting to produce conviction, and generally to 
insure success. His eloquence combined the nervousness and 
copious elegance of the Greek and Roman schools, and gave him 
the choice of his clients and his business. These wonderful pow- 
ers were accompanied by a natural politeness and winning con- 
descension, which forestalled the envy of his brethren. Their 
hearts were gained before their pride was alarmed, and they 
united in their approbation of a pre-eminence which reflected 
honor on their fraternity. 

From such talents, adorned by incorruptible honesty and bound- 
less generosity, an immense personal influence over his political 
and private friends was inseparable; and by those who did not 
know him, and who saw the use to which ambition might apply 
it, he was sometimes suspected of views unpropitious to the nat- 
ure of our Government. The charge was inconsistent with the 
exertions he had made to render that Government, in its present 
form, worthy of the attachment and support of the people, and 
his voluntary relinquishment of the means of ambition, the purse 
strings of the nation. He was, indeed, ambitious, but not of 
power; he was ambitious only to convince the world of the spot- 
less integrity of his administration and character. This was the 
key to the finest sensibilities of the heart. He shrank from the 
imputation of misconduct in public life; and if his judgment ever 
misled him, it was only when warped by an excessive eagerness 
to vindicate himself at the expense of his discretion. To cal- 
umny, in every other shape, he opposed the defense of dignified 
silence and contempt. 

Had such a character been exempt from foibles and frailties, 
it would not have been human. Yet so small was the catalogue 
of these, that they would have escaped observation, but for the 
unparalleled frankness of his nature, which prompted him to con- 
fess them to the world. He did not consider greatness as an 
authority for habitual vice; and he repented with such contrition 
of casual error, that none remained offended but those who never 
had a right to complain. The virtues of his private and domestic 



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HARRISON GRAY OTIS 3 1 23 

character comprised whatever conciliates affection and begets re- 
spect. To envy he was a stranger, and of merit and talents the 
unaffected eulogist and admirer. The charms of his conversation, 
the brilliance of his wit, his regard to decorum, his ineffable 
good humor, which led him down from the highest range of in- 
tellect to the level of colloquial pleasantry, will never be forgot- 
ten, perhaps never equaled. 

To observe that such a man was dear to his family would be 
superfluous. To describe how dear, impossible. Of this we might 
obtain some adequate conception, could we look into the retreat 
which he had chosen for the solace of his future years; which, 
enlivened by his presence, was so lately the mansion of cheerful- 
ness and content; but now, alas! of lamentation and woe! — 

*For him no more the blazing hearth shall bum. 
Or tender consort wait with anxious care; 
No children run to lisp their sire's return. 
Or climb his knees, the envied kiss to share. ^ 

With his eye upon the eternal world, this dying hero had 
been careful to prepare a testament, almost for the sole purpose 
of bequeathing to his orphans the rich legacy of his principles; 
and having exhibited in his last hours to this little band the 
manner in which a Christian should die, he drops, in his flight to 
heaven, a summary of the principles by which a man of honor 
should live. 

The universal sorrow manifested in every part of the Union 
upon the melancholy exit of this great man is an unequivocal 
testimonial of the public opinion of his worth. The place of his 
residence is overspread with a gloom which bespeaks the pres- 
ence of a public calamity, and the prejudices of party are ab- 
sorbed in the overflowing tide of national grief. 

It is, indeed, a subject of consolation, that diversity of politi- 
cal opinions has not yet extinguished the sentiment of public 
gratitude. There is yet a hope that events like these, which 
bring home to our bosoms the sensation of a common loss, may 
yet remind us of our common interest, and of the times, when, 
with one accord, we joined in the homage of respect to our liv- 
ing as well as to our deceased worthies. 

Should those days once more return, when the people of 
America, united as they once were united, shall make merit the 



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3124 HARRISON GRAY OTIS 

measure of their approbation and confidence, we may hope for a 
constant succession of patriots and heroes. But should oiu: coun- 
try be rent by factions, and the merit of the man be estimated 
by the zeal of the partisan, irreparable will be the loss of those 
few men, who, having once been esteemed by all, might again 
hs^ve acquired the confidence of all, and saved their country, in 
an hour of peril, by their talents and virtues: — 

^So stream the sorrows that embalm the brave; 
The tears which virtue sheds on glory's grave. '^ 



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mi 



JAMES OTIS 

(1 725-1 783) 

lES Otis was one of the most celebrated orators of New 
England dnring the Revolntionary period, though, like Pat^ 
rick Henry, he has narrowly escaped having nothing but a 
great reputation to represent his eloqnence. The exordium of his 
most celebrated speech — that against « Writs of Assistance* in 1761 — 
is reported in direct narration, but the rest survives only in a synop- 
sis. The exordium, however, though only too brief, shows that Otis 
had a mind of the highest analytical power and that he used it 
with the utmost fearlessness. He was a believer in political equality, 
* regardless of race, color, or previous condition of servitude,* and in 
the immediate abolition of slavery. ^Not a Quaker in Philadelphia, 
or Mr. Jefferson in Virginia, ever asserted the rights of negroes in 
stronger terms,* writes John Adams. •Young as I was, ignorant as I 
was, I shuddered at the doctrine he taught; and I have all my life 
shuddered and still shudder at the consequence that may be drawn 
from such premises.* Otis did not stop to shudder, however. He 
believed that •all men are created free* and •Mr. Jefferson in Vir- 
ginia* was not less likely to stop to reckon the consequences of de- 
claring it. Otis was bom at Barnstable, Massachusetts, February 5th, 
1725. He was a Member of the Massachusetts House of Representa- 
tives at the time of the Stamp Act troubles, and was a delegate to 
the Stamp Act Congress of 1765. In 1764 he wrote the ^Rights of 
the British Colonies Asserted,^ and he was the author of the < Vin- 
dication of the Conduct of the House of Representatives' and of 
other noted political papers. He died at Andover, Massachusetts, 
May 23d, 1783. 



FOR INDIVIDUAL SOVEREIGNTY AND AGAINST «WRITS OF 

ASSISTANCE* 

(Exordium of the Speech Delivered before the Srperior Court in Boeton, 

February 1761) 

[In 1760, George III., who had just come to the throne, issued orders au- 
thorizing search and seizure in the colonies wherever it was presumed that 
taxable goods were being concealed from the royal authorities. The nysX 



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3126 JAMES OTIS 

governors proceeded under « Writs of Assistance* in carrying oat this policy, 
and when the first of these writs was applied for at Salem, Massachusetts, 
James Otis was called into the case to represent the merchants of BosUm. 
Only the exordium of this speech as here given is reported in full:^ 

MAY it please your honors^ I was desired by one of the court 
to look into the books, and consider the question now be- 
fore them concerning Writs of Assistance. I have, accord- 
ingly, considered it, and now appear not only in obedience to 
your order, but likewise in behalf of the inhabitants of this town, 
who have presented another petition, and out of regard to the 
liberties of the subject And I take this opportunity to declare 
that, whether under a fee or not (for in such a cause as this I 
despise a fee), I will to my d3ring day oppose with all the pow- 
ers and factdties God has given me all such instruments of 
slavery on the one hand, and villainy on the other, as this writ 
of assistance is. 

It appears to me the worst instrument of arbitrary power, the 
most destructive of English liberty and the fundamental princi- 
ples of law, that ever was found in an English law book. I 
must, therefore, beg your honors' patience and attention to the 
whole range of an argument, that may, perhaps, appear un- 
common in many things, as well as to points of learning that 
are more remote and unusual: that the whole tendency of my 
design may the more easily be perceived, the conclusions better 
descend, and the force of them be better felt. I shall not think 
much of my pains in this cause, as I engaged in it from princi- 
ple. I was solicited to argue this cause as Advocate General; 
and because I would not, I have been charged with desertion 
from my office. To this charge I can give a very sufficient an- 
swer. I renounced that office, and I argue this cause from the 
same principle; and I argue it with the greater pleasure, as it is 
in favor of British liberty, at a time when we hear the greatest 
monarch upon earth declaring from his throne that he glories 
in the name of Briton, and that the privileges of his people are 
dearer to him than the most valuable prerogatives of his crown; 
and as it is in opposition to a kind of power, the exercise of 
which, in former periods of history, cost one king of England 
his head and another his throne. I have taken more pains in 
this cause than I ever will take again, although my engaging in 
this and another popular cause has raised much resentment. But 
I think I can sincerely declare that I cheerfully submit mjrself to 



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JAMES OTIS 3127 

every odious name for conscience' sake; and from my soul I de- 
spise all those whose guilt, malice, or folly has made them my 
foes. Let the consequences be what they will, I am determined 
to proceed. The only principles of public conduct that are worthy 
of a gentleman or a man are to sacrifice estate, ease, health, and 
applause, and even life, to the sacred calls of his country. 

These manly sentiments, in private life, make the good citi- 
zen; in public life, the patriot and the hero. I do not say that 
when brought to the test I shall be invincible. I pray God I 
may never be brought to the melancholy trial; but if ever I 
should, it will be then known how far I can reduce to practice 
principles which I know to be founded in truth. In the mean- 
time I will proceed to the subject of this writ. 

Your honors will find in the old books concerning the office 
of a justice of the peace precedents of general warrants to search 
suspected houses. But in more modem books, you will find only 
special warrants to search such and such houses, specially named, 
in which the complainant has before sworn that he suspects his 
goods are concealed; and will find it adjudged that special war- 
rants only are legal. In the same manner I rely on it, that the 
writ prayed for in this petition, being general, is illegal. It is a 
power that places the liberty of every man in the hands of every 
petty officer. I say I admit that special Writs of Assistance, to 
search special places, may be granted to certain persons on oath ; 
but I deny that the writ now prayed for can be granted, for I 
beg leave to make some observations on the writ itself, before I 
proceed to other acts of Parliament. In the first place, the writ 
is universal, being directed *to all and singular justices, sheriffs, 
constables, and all other officers and subjects*; so that, in short, 
it is directed to every subject in the king's dominions. Every 
one with this writ may be a tyrant; if this commission be legal, 
a tyrant in a legal manner, also, may control, imprison, or murder 
any one within the realm. In the next place, it is perpetual; 
there is no return. A man is accountable to no person for his 
doings. Every man may reign secure in his petty tyranny, and 
spread terror and desolation around him, until the trump of the 
archangel shall excite different emotions in his soul. In the 
third place, a person with this writ, in the daytime, may enter 
all houses, shops, etc., at will, and command all to assist him. 
Fourthly, by this writ, not only deputies, etc., but even their 
menial servants, are allowed to lord it over us. What is this but 



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3138 JAMBS OTIS 

to have the curse of Canaan with a witness on us; to be the 
servant of servants, the most despicable of God's creation ? Now 
one of the most essential branches of English liberty is the free- 
dom of one's house. A man's house is his castle; and whilst he 
is quiet, he is as well guarded as a prince in his castle. This 
writ, if it should be declared legal, would totally annihilate this 
privilege. Customhouse officers may enter our houses when they 
please; we are commanded to permit their entry. Their menial 
servants may enter, may break locks, bars, and everything in 
their way; and whether they break through malice or revenge, 
no man, no court can inquire. Bare suspicion without oath is 
sufficient. This wanton exercise of this power is not a chimer- 
ical suggestion of a heated brain. I will mention some facts. 
Mr. Pew had one of these writs, and when Mr. Ware succeeded 
him, he indorsed this writ over to Mr. Ware; so that these writs 
are negotiable from one officer to another; and so your honors 
have no opportunity of judging the persons to whom this vast 
power is delegated. Another instance is this: Mr. Justice Walley 
had called this same Mr. Ware before him, by a constable, to 
answer for a breach of the Sabbath Day acts, or that of profane 
swearing. As soon as he had finished, Mr. Ware asked him if he 
had done. He replied: «Yes.» «Well then,* said Mr. Ware, «I 
will show you a little of my power. I command you to permit 
me to search your house for tmcustomed goods*; and went on to 
search the house from the garret to the cellar, and then served 
the constable in the same manner ! But to show another absurdity 
in this writ, if it should be established, I insist upon it that every 
person, by the 14th Charles II., has this power as well as the 
customhouse officers. The words are: •It shall be lawful for 
any person or persons authorized,* etc. What a scene does this 
open! Every man prompted by revenge, ill-humor, or wanton- 
ness, to inspect the inside of his neighbor's house, may get a Writ 
of Assistance. Others will ask it from self-defense; one arbitrary 
exertion will provoke another, until society be involved in tumult 
and in blood. . . . 

[John Adams says that after this exordium Otis contintied under four 
seveial headings which he gives thus,~ taking the exordium as the first :~] 

2. •He asserted that every man. merely natural, was an inde- 
pendent sovereign, subject to no law but the law written on his heart 
and revealed to him by his Maker, in the constitution of his nature. 



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JAM£S OTIS 3129 

and the inspiration of his understanding and his conscience. His 
right to his life, his liberty, no created being could rightfully contest. 
Nor was his right to his property less incontestable. The club that 
he had snapped from a tree, for a staff or for defense, was his own. 
His bow and arrow were his own; if by a pebble he had killed a 
partridge or a squirrel, it was his own. No creature, man or beast, 
had a right to take it from him. If he had taken an eel, or a smelt, 
or a sculpin, it was his property. In short, he sported upon this 
topic with so much wit and humor, and at the same time with so 
much indisputable truth and reason, that he was not less entertaining 
than instructive. He asserted that these rights were inherent and 
inalienable ; that they never could be surrendered or alienated, but by 
idiots or madmen, and all the acts of idiots and lunatics were void, 
and not obligatory, by all the laws of God and man. Nor were the 
poor negroes forgotten. Not a Quaker in Philadelphia, or Mr. Jeffer- 
son in Virginia, ever asserted the rights of negroes in stronger terms. 
Young as I was, and ignorant as I was, I shuddered at the doctrine 
he taught; and I have all my life shuddered, and still shudder, at the 
consequences that may be drawn from such premises. Shall we say 
that the rights of masters and servants clash, and can be decided 
only by force? I adore the idea of gradual abolitions! but who shall 
decide how fast or how slowly these abolitions shall be made? 

3. ^From individual independence he proceeded to association. 
If it was inconsistent with the dignity of human nature to say that 
men were gregarious animals, like wild geese, it surely could offend 
no delicacy to say they were social animals by nature; that there 
were natural sympathies, and, above all, the sweet attraction of the 
sexes, which must soon draw them together in little groups, and by 
degrees in larger congregations, for mutual assistance and defense. 
And this must have happened before any formal covenant, by ex- 
press words or signs, was concluded. When general councils and 
deliberations commenced, the objects could be no other than the 
mutual defense and security of every individual for his life, his lib- 
erty, and his property. To suppose them to have surrendered these 
in any other way than by equal rules and general consent was to 
suppose them idiots or madmen, whose acts were never binding. To 
suppose them surprised by fraud, or compelled by force into any 
other compact, such fraud and such force could confer no obligation. 
Every man had a right to trample it under foot whenever he pleased. 
In short, he asserted these rights to be derived only from nature and 
the Author of Nature; that they were inherent, inalienable, and in- 
defeasible by any laws, pacts, contracts, covenants, or stipulations 
which man could devise. 

4. * These principles and these rights were wrought into the Eng- 
lish Constitution as fundamental laws. And under this head he went 



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3130 JAMES OTIS 

back to the old Saxon laws, and to Magna Charta, and the fifty con- 
firmations of it in Parliament, and the executions ordained against 
the violators of it, and the national vengeance which had been taken 
on them from time to time, down to the Jameses and Charleses; and 
to the position of rights and the Bill of Rights and the Revolution. 
He asserted that the security of these rights to life, liberty, and 
property had been the object of all those struggles against arbitrary 
power, temporal and spiritual, civil and political, military and eccle- 
siastical, in every age. He asserted that our ancestors, as British 
subjects, and we, their descendants, as British subjects, were entitled 
to all those rights, by the British Constitution, as well as by the law 
of nature and our provincial character, as much as any inhabitant 
of London or Bristol, or any part of England; and were not to be 
cheated out of them by any phantom of * virtual representation,* or 
any other fiction of law or politics, or any -monkish trick of deceit 
and hypocrisy. 

5. ^ He then examined the acts of trade, one by one, and demon- 
strated that if they were considered as revenue laws, they destroyed 
all our security of property, liberty, and life, every right of nature, 
and the English Constitution, and the charter of the province. Here 
he considered the distinction between ^external and internal taxes, ^ 
at that time a popular and commonplace distinction. But he asserted 
that there was no such distinction in theory, or upon any principle 
but ^necessity.* The necessity that the commerce of the empire 
should be under one direction was obvious. The Americans had 
been so sensible of this necessity, that they had connived at the dis- 
tinction between external and internal taxes, and had submitted to 
the acts of trade as regulations of commerce, but never as taxations, 
or revenue laws. Nor had the British Government till now ever 
dared to attempt to enforce them as taxations or revenue laws. They 
had lain dormant in that character for a century almost. The Navi- 
gation Act he allowed to be binding upon us, because we had con- 
sented to it by our own legislature. Here he gave a history of the 
navigation act of the ist of Charles II., a plagiarism from Oliver 
Cromwell. This act had lain dormant for fifteen years. In 1675, 
after repeated letters and orders from the king. Governor Leverett 
very candidly informs his Majesty that the law had not been exe- 
cuted, because it was thought unconstitutional ; Parliament not having 
authority over us.* 



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LORD PALMERSTON 
(HENRY JOHN TEMPLE, VISCOUNT PALMERSTON) 

(I 784- I 865) 

f ENRY John Temple, Viscount Palmerston» whose name is con- 
nected with some of the most important events in modem 
English politics, was bom near Romsey, in Hants, England, 
October 20th, 1784. At the age of eighteen the death of his father 
made him Viscount Palmerston and opened to him the official career 
for which he was fitted by his versatility and his talents. He entered 
Parliament as a representative of a pocket borough, and was at once 
made one of the junior lords of the admiralty. When only twenty- 
five years of age his admirers offered to make him Chancellor of the 
Exchequer, but he declined the place on the ground that he knew 
nothing of finance. From 1809 to 1828 he served as Secretary of 
War, and it is said that he was * entirely devoted to the Tory party 
of that day.'^ Later, he became eminent as a Whig, though it is 
said he never really changed his opinion, being as always a * states- 
man of the old English aristocratic t3rpe, liberal in his sentiments, 
favorable to the cause of justice and the march of progress, but en- 
tirely opposed to the claims of democratic government.'^ He was 
twice Prime Minister of England, and he is remarkable for such ap- 
parent inconsistencies as that between his sympathy for the Revo- 
lutionists of 1848, especially for the Italian Revolutionists, and his 
approval of Louis Napoleon's coup d'/tat in 185 1. He died October 
1 8th, 1865. 



ON THE DEATH OP COBDEN 

(Delivered in the House of Commons on April 3d, 1868, the Day Succeeding 
that of Cobden*s Death) 

Mr. Speaker:-" 

IT IS impossible for this House to have that order put without 
calling to its mind the great loss which this House and the 
country have sustained by the event which took place yes- 
terday morning. Sir, Mr. Cobden, whose loss we deplore, occu- 
pied a prominent position both as a member of this House and 



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3^32 



LORD PALMERSTON 



as a member of the British nation. I do not mean, in the few 
words I have to say, to disguise or to avoid stating that there 
were many matters upon which a great number of people differed 
from Mr. Cobden, and I among the rest; but those who differed 
from him the most never could doubt the honesty of his purpose 
or the sincerity of his convictions. They felt that his object was 
the good of his country, however they might differ on particular 
questions from him as to the means by which that end was to 
be accomplished. But we all agree in burying in oblivion every 
point of difference, and think only of the great and important 
services he rendered to our common country. Sir, it is many 
years ago since Adam Smith elaborately and conclusively, as far 
as argument could go, advocated as the ftmdamental principles 
of the wealth of nations freedom of industry and unrestricted 
exchange of the objects and results of industry. These doctrines 
were inculcated by learned men, by Dugald Stewart and others, 
and were also taken up in process of time by leading statesmen, 
such as Mr. Huskisson and those who agreed with him; but the 
barriers which long-established prejudice, honest and conscieD- 
tious prejudice, had raised against the practical application of 
those doctrines for a long series of years prevented their coming 
into use as instruments of progress in the country. To Mr. Cob- 
den it was reserved, by his untiring industry, his indefatigable 
personal activity, the indomitable energy of his mind, and I will 
say that forcible and Demosthenic eloquence with which he 
treated all the subjects which he took in hand — it was reserved 
to Mr. Cobden, aided, no doubt, by a great phalanx of worthy as- 
sociates, — by my right honorable friend, the president of the Poor 
Law Board, and by Sir R. Peel, whose memory will ever be 
associated with the principles Mr. Cobden so ably advocated — it 
was reserved, I say, to Mr. Cobden, by exertions which never 
were surpassed, to carry into practical application those abstract 
principles with the truth of which he was so deeply impressed, 
and which at last gained the acceptance of all reasonable men in 
the country. He rendered an inestimable and enduring benefit 
to our country by the result of those exertions. But great as 
were Mr. Cobden's talents, great as was his industry, and emi- 
nent as was his success, the disinterestedness of his mind more 
than equaled all these. He was a man of great ambition, but his 
ambition was to.be useful to his country; and that ambition was 
amply gratified. When the present Government was formed, I was 



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LORD PALMBRSTON 3133 

authorized graciously by her Majesty to offer to Mr. Cobden a seat 
in the Cabinet. Mr. Cobden declined, and frankly told me that he 
thought he and I differed a good deal upon many important prin- 
ciples of political action, and therefore he could not comfortably, 
either for me or for himself, join the administration of which I 
was the head. I think he was wrong; but this I will say of Mr. 
Cobden, that no man, however strongly he may have differed 
from him upon general political principles, or the application of 
those principles, could come into contact with him without carry- 
ing away the strongest personal esteem and regard for the man 
with whom he had the misfortune not entirely to agree. Well, 
sir, the two great achievements of Mr. Cobden were, in the first 
place, the abrogation of those laws which regulated the importa- 
tion of com and the great development which that gave to the in- 
dustry of the country, and the commercial arrangements which he 
negotiated with France, which paved the way and tended greatly 
to extend the intercourse between the two countries. When that 
achievement was accomplished, it was my lot to offer to Mr. 
Cobden, not ofiBice, for that I knew he would not take, but to 
offer him those honors which the Crown can bestow — a baronetcy 
and the rank of a privy councilor, honorable distinctions which it 
would have gratified the Crown to bestow for important services 
rendered to the country, and which I think it would not have 
been at all derogatory for him to accept. But the same disinter- 
ested spirit which actuated all his conduct, whether in private or 
in public, led him to decline even the acknowledgments which 
would properly have been made for the services he had rendered. 
Well, sir, I can only say that we have sustained a loss which 
every man in the country will feel. We have lost a man who 
may be said to have been peculiarly emblematical of the Consti- 
tution under which we have the happiness to live, because he 
rose to great eminence in this House, and acquired an ascend- 
ency in the public mind, not by virtue of any family connections, 
but solely and entirely by means of the power and vigor of his 
mind, that power and vigor being applied to purposes eminently 
advantageous to the country. Sir, Mr. Cobden's name will be 
forever engraved on the most interesting pages of the history of 
this country; and I am sure there is not one in this House who 
does not feel the deepest regret that we have lost one of its 
proudest ornaments, and that the country has been deprived of 
one of her most useful servants. 



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3134 LORD PALMBRSTON 



AGAINST WAR ON IRELAND 
(From a Speech Delivered in the House of Commons in 1829) 

THEN come we to the last remedy, — civil war. Some gentle- 
men say that, sooner or later, we must fight for it, and the 
sword must decide. They tell us that, if blood were but 
shed in Ireland, Catholic emancipation might be avoided. Sir, 
when honorable members shall be a little deeper read in the 
history of Ireland, they will find that in Ireland blood has been 
shed, — that in Ireland leaders have been .seized, trials have been 
had, and punishments have been inflicted. They will find, in- 
deed, almost every page of the history of Ireland darkened by 
bloodshed, by seizures, by trials, and by punishments. But what 
has been the eflEect of these measures? They have, indeed, been 
successful in quelling the disturbances of the moment; but they 
never have gone to their cause, and have only fixed deeper the 
poisoned barb that rankles in the heart of Ireland. Can one be- 
lieve one's ears when one hears respectable men talk so lightly 
— nay, almost so wishfully — of civil war? Do they reflect what 
a countless multitude of ills those three short syllables contain? 
It is well, indeed, for the gentlemen of England, who live secure 
under the protecting shadow of the law, whose slumbers have 
never been broken by the clashing of angry swords, whose har- 
vests have never been trodden down by the conflict of hostile 
feet, — it is well for them to talk of civil war, as if it were some 
holiday pastime, *or some sport of children : — 

*They jest at scars who never felt a wound,* 

But, that gentlemen from tmfortunate and ill-starred Ireland, who 
have seen with their own eyes, and heard with their own ears, 
the miseries which civil war produces, — who have known, by 
their own experience, the barbarism, aye, the barbarity, which it 
engenders, — that such persons should look upon civil war as any- 
thing short of the last and greatest of national calamities, — is to 
me a matter of the deepest and most unmixed astonishment. I 
will grant, if you will, that the success of such a war with Ire- 
land would be as signal and complete as would be its injustice; 
I will grant, if you will, that resistance would soon be extin- 
guished with the lives of those who resisted; I will grant, if you 



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LORD PALMERSTON 



3135 



will, that the crimsoned banner of England would soon wave in 
undisputed supremacy over the smoking ashes of their towns and 
the blood-stained solitude of their fields. But I tell you that 
England herself never would permit the achievement of such a 
conquest; England would reject with disgust laurels that were 
dyed in fraternal blood; England would recoil with loathing and 
abhorrence from the bare contemplation of so devilish a triumph! 



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3136 




THEODORE PARKER 

(1 8 10-1860) 

^lEL Webster, Rufos Choate, and other great New Englanders 
who believed with them, looked apon the Federal Constitu- 
tion as a series of compromises among conflicting interests 
and argued that under such a Constitution national politics at every 
crisis ought to be governed by the same spirit of concession which 
made the Constitution possible. Webster and Clay were entirely 
consistent with their own habitual methods in supporting the Com- 
promise of 1850, but the time had passed when the spirit which con- 
trolled them was strong enough to control the Union. At the North 
and at the South the new generation was already governed by the 
impulse which a little later expressed itself in the lines: — 

<i(Not another word — try it with the sword! 
Try it with the blood of your bravest and your best.* 

It was in this spirit that in 1852 Theodore Parker made his attack 
on Webster at the Melodeon in Boston. It is difficult to characterize 
it further than by saying that it is a marvel of eloquent and passion- 
ate expression, evidently inspired by a deep underlying reverence for 
Webster even when it seems most to condemn him. Its value as 
a historical document is very great. The text here used is that of 
a contemporaneous verbatim report in the Boston Commonwealth, 
printed, no doubt, from Mr. Parker's own manuscript. 

He was bom at Lexington, Massachusetts, August 24th, 1810, and, 
after graduating at the Cambridge Divinity School, began his pro- 
fessional life in 1837 as a Unitarian clerg3rman. In 1845, ^^^ ^ot a 
number of years thereafter, he was the leader of an independent as- 
sociation of religious thinkers in Boston, and was very active in forc- 
ing issues for the immediate abolition of slavery. He died in Italy, 
May loth, i860. His complete works, including his sermons, lectures, 
and addresses have been published in ten volumes. 



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THEODORE PARKER 313^ 



ON DANIEL WEBSTER AFTER THE COMPROMISE OF 1850 
(From an Address at the Melodeon in Boston, October 31st, 1852) 

DO MEN mourn for him, the great man eloquent? I put on 
sackcloth long ago. I mourned for him when he wrote 
the Creole letter which surprised Ashburton, Briton that 
he was. I mourned when he spoke the speech of the seventh of 
March. I mourned when the Fugitive Slave Bill passed Con- 
gress, and the same cannon that have fired ^minute guns*^ for 
him fired also one hundred rounds of joy for the forging of a 
new fetter for the fugitive's foot. I mourned for him when the 
kidnapers first came to Boston — hated then — now respectable 
men, the companions of princes, enlarging their testimony in the 
court. I mourned when my own parishioners fled from the 
^stripes* of New England to the ^* stars* of Old England. I 
mourned when Ellen Craft fled to my house for shelter and for 
succor; and for the first time in all my life, I armed this hand. 
I mourned when the courthouse was hung in chains; when 
Thomas Sims, from his dungeon, sent out his petition for prayers 
and the churches did not dare to pray. I mourned when I mar- 
ried William and Ellen Craft, and gave them a Bible for their 
soul, and a sword to keep that soul living, and in a living frame. 
I mourned when the poor outcast in yonder dungeon sent for 
me to visit him, and, when I took him by the hand that Daniel 
Webster was chaining in that house. I mourned for Webster 
when we prayed our prayer and sung our psalm on Long Wharf 
in the morning's gray. I mourned then; I shall not cease to 
mourn. The flags will be removed from the streets, the cannon 
will sound their other notes of joy; but for me I shall go mourn- 
ing all my days. I shall refuse to be comforted, and at last I 
shall lay down my gray hairs with weeping and with sorrow in 
the grave. Oh, Webster! Webster! would God that I had died 
for thee ! 

He was a great man, a man of the largest mold, a great 
body, and a great brain; he seemed made to last a hundred years. 
Since Socrates, there has seldom been a head so massive, so huge 
— seldom such a face since the stormy features of Michael 
Angelo: — 

*The hand that rounded Peter's dome, 
And groined the aisles of Christian Rome* — 
VIII — 1 97 



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3138 



THEODORE PARKER 



he who sculptured Day and Night into snch beantifnl forms, — 
he looked them in his face before he chiseled them into stone. 
Dupuytren and Cuvier are said to be the only men in our day 
that have had a brain so vast Since Charlemagne I think there 
has not been such a grand figure in all Christendom. A large 
man, decorous in dress, dignified in deportment, he walked as if 
he felt himself a king. Men from the country, who knew him 
not, stared at him as he passed through our streets. The coal- 
heavers and porters of London looked on him as one of the 
great forces of the globe; they recognized a native king. In the 
Senate of the United States he looked an emperor in that coim- 
cil. Even the majestic Calhoun seemed common compared with 
him. Clay looked vulgar, and Van Buren but a fox. What a 
mouth he had! It was a lion's mouth. Yet there was a sweet 
grandeur in his smile, and a woman's sweetness when he would. 
What a brow it was! What eyes! like charcoal fire in the bottom 
of a deep, dark well. His face was rugged with volcanic fires, 
great passions, and great thoughts: — 

*The front of Jove himself; 
And eyes like Mars, to threaten and command.* 

Divide the faculties, not bodily, into intellectual, moral, affec- 
tional, and religious; and try him on that scale. His late life 
shows that he had little religion — somewhat of its lower forms 
— conventional devoutness, formality of prayer, *the ordinances 
of religion*; but he had not a great man's all-conquering look 
to God. It is easy to be * devout.* The Pharisee was more so 
than the Publican. It is hard to be moral. * Devoutness* took 
the Priest and the Levite to the Temple; morality the Samar- 
itan to the man fallen among thieves. Men tell us he was re- 
ligious, and in proof declare that he read the Bible; thought Job 
a great epic poem; quoted Habbakuk from memory, and knew 
hymns by heart; and latterly agreed with a New Hampshire 
divine in all the doctrines of a Christian life. 

Of the affections, he was well provided by nature — though 
they were little cultivated — very attractable to a few. Those 
who knew him, loved him tenderly; and if he hated like a giant, 
he also loved like a king. Of unimpassioned and unrelated love, 
there are two chief forms: friendship and philanthropy. Friend- 
ship he surely had; all along the shore men loved him. Men in 



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THEODORE PARKER 3 1 39 

Boston loved him; even Washington held loving hearts that wor- 
shiped him. 

Of philanthropy, I cannot claim much for him; I find it not. 
Of conscience, it seemed to me he had little; in his later life, 
exceeding little; his moral sense seemed long besotted; almost, 
though not wholly, gone. Hence, though he was often generous, 
he was not just. Free to give as to grasp, he was charitable by 
instinct, not disinterested on principle. 

His strength lay not in the religious, nor in the afiFectional, 
nor in the moral part of man. His intellect was immense. His 
power of comprehension was vast. He methodized swiftly. But 
if you look at the forms of intellectual action, you may distribute 
them into three great modes of force: the tmderstanding, the 
imagination, and the reason — the imderstanding, dealing with de- 
tails and methods; imagination, with beauty, with power to create; 
reason, with first principles and imiversal laws. 

We must deny to Mr. Webster the great reason. He does not 
belong to the great men of that department, — the Socrates, Aris- 
totle, Plato, Leibnitz, Newton, Descartes, and the other mighties. 
He seldom grasps a imiversal law. His measures of expediency 
for to-day are seldom bottomed on tmiversal principles of right 
which last forever. 

I cannot assign to him a large imagination. He was not 
creative of new forms of thought or of beauty; so he lacks the 
poetic charm which gladdens the loftiest eloquence. But his 
understanding was exceedingly great. He acquired readily and 
retained well; arranged with ease and skill; and fluently repro- 
duced. As a scholar he passed for learned in the Senate, where 
scholars are few; for a universal man with editors of political 
and commercial prints But hk learning was narrow in its range, 
and not very nice in its accuracy. His reach in history and lit- 
erature was very small for a great man seventy years of age, 
always associating with able men. To science he seems to have 
paid scarcely any attention at all. It is a short radius that meas- 
ures the arc of his historic realm. A few Latin authors whom 
he loved to quote make up his meagre classic store. He was 
not a scholar, and it is idle to claim great scholarship for him. 

As a statesman his lack of what I call the highest reason and 
imagination continually appears. To the national stock he added 
no new idea, created out of new thought; no great maxim, cre- 
ated out of human history and old thought. The great ideas of 
the time were not bom in his bosom. He organized nothing. 



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3140 THEODORE PARKER 

There were great ideas of practical value seeking lodgment in 
the body; he aided them not . . . 

What a sad life was his! At Portsmouth his house burned 
down, all uninsured. His wife died, — a loving woman, beautiful 
and tenderly beloved! Of several children, all save one have 
gone before him to the tomb. Sad man; he lived to build his 
children's monument! Do you remember the melancholy spectacle 
in the street when Major Webster, a victim of the Mexican War, 
was by his father laid down in yonder tomb, — a daughter, too, 
but recently laid low! How jxwr seemed then the ghastly pag- 
eant in the street, — empty and hollow as the muffled drum. 
For years he has seemed to me like one of the tragic heroes of 
the Grecian tale, pursued by fate, and latterly, the saddest sight 
in all this Western World, — widowed of so much he loved, and 
grasping at what was not only vanity, but the saddest vexation 
of the heart. I have long mourned for him as for no living or 
departed man. He blasted us with scornful lightning. Him, if 
I could, I would not blast, but only bless continually and ever- 
more. 

You remember the last time he spoke in Boston — the pro- 
cession, last summer. You remember it well. What a sad and 
careworn countenance was that of the old man, welcomed with 
their mockery of applause! You remember when the orator, 
wise-headed and friendly-hearted, came to thank him for his 
services, he said not a word of saving the Union; of the com- 
promise measures, not a word; but for his own great services he 
thanked him. 

And when Webster replied, he said: •'Here in Boston I am 
not disowned — at least here I am not disowned.* No, Daniel 
Webster! you were not disowned in Boston. So long as I have 
a tongue to teach, a heart to feel, you shall never be disowned. 
It was by our sin, by Boston's sin, that the great man fell! I 
pity his victims; you pity them too. But I pity him more; oh, 
far more! Pity the oppressed, will you? Will you not pity the 
oppressor in his sin? 

Look there! See that face, so manly strong, so maiden meek! 
Hear that voice: * Neither do I condemn thee. Go, and sin no 
more.* Listen to the last words of the crucified: * Father, for- 
give them, for they know not what they do.* 

The last time he was in Faneuil Hall — it was last Jtme — the 
sick old man — it was Faneuil Hall open; once it had been shut 
— you remember the feeble look and the sad face. I felt then 



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THEODORE PARKER 3141 

that it was his last time, and forbore to look upon that saddened 
countenance. The last time he was in the Senate, it was to hear 
his successor speak. He stayed an hour, and heard Charles Sum- 
ner demonstrate that the Fugitive Slave Bill was not good relig- 
ion, nor good morality, nor good constitution, nor good law. 

He came home to Boston and went down to Marshfield to 
die. An old man, broken with the storms of state, went home — 
to die! To him, to die was gain; life was the only loss. His 
friends were about him; his dear ones — his wife, his son (the 
last of six children he had loved). Name by name he bade them 
all farewell, and all his friends, man by man. Two colored serv- 
ants of his were there — men that he had bought out of slavery 
and had blessed with freedom and life. They watched over the 
bedside of the dying man. The kindly doctor thought to sweeten 
the bitterness of death with medicated skill, and when that failed, 
he gave the great man a little manna that fell down from heaven 
three thousand years ago, and the shepherd David gathered it up 
and kept it in a psalm: — 

* The Lord is my shepherd. Though I walk through the valley of 
the shadow of death, I will fear no evil. Thy rod and thy staff they 
comfort me.* 

And the great man faltered out his last words: *That is what 
I want — thy rod, thy rod; thy staff, thy staff.'* That great heart 
had never renounced God. Oh, no ! it had scoffed at his * higher 
law,* but in the heart of hearts there was religion still! 

Just four years after his great si)eech, on the twenty-fourth of 
October, the mortal Daniel Webster went down to the dust, and 
the soul to the motherly bosom of God! Men mourn for him; 
he heeds it not. He needs not pity. The great man has gone 
where the servant is free from his master; where the weary are 
at rest; where the wicked cease from troubling. 

«No farther seek his merits to disclose, 

Or draw his frailties from their dread abode; 
There they alike in trembling hope repose, 
The bosom of his Father and his God!* 

Massachusetts has lost her great adopted son. Has lost! Oh, 
no! *I still live* is truer than the sick man knew. 

*He lives and spreads aloft by those pure eyes 
And perfect virtues of all-judging God.* 



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3142 THBODORB PARKER 

His memory will long live with us, still dear to many a lov- 
ing heart. What honor shall we pay? Let the State go out 
mindful of his noblest services^ yet tearful for his fate, sad that 
he would fain have filled him with the husks the swine do eat, 
and no man gave to him. Sad and tearful let her remember the 
force of circumstance and dark temptation's secret power. Let 
her remember that while we know what he yielded to, and what 
his sin, God knows what also he resisted, and he alone knows 
who the sinner is. The dear old mother of us all! Oh, let her 
warn her children to fling away ambition, and let her charge 
them, every one, that there is a God who must, indeed, be wor- 
shiped, and a higher law of God which must be kept, though 
gold and Union fail. Then let her say to them: *Ye have dwelt 
long enough in this mountain; turn ye and take your journey 
into the land of Freedom, which the Lord your God giveth you!* 
Then let her lift her eyes to heaven, and pray: — 

•Sweet mercy! To the gates of heaven 
This statesman lead, his sins forgiven. 
The rueful conflict, the heart riven 

With vain endeavor; 
And memory of earth's bitter leaven 

Effaced forever! 

*But why to him confine the prayer, 
While kindred thoughts and yearnings bear 
On the frail heart, the purest share 

With all that live ? 
The best of what we do and are — 
Great Grod, forgive I » 



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3143 




CHARLES STEWART PARNELL 

(1846-1891) 

(harles Stewart Parnell ranks with O'Connell as an agitator 
and leader, and he was even superior to O'Connell as an 
organizer. His influence in the politics of his own country 
and of England was so great that from the time he succeeded to 
the leadership of the Home Rule Party in 1880, until November 1890, 
when he was deposed, he virtually dictated the governing issues of 
English politics and greatly influenced those of America. Expressing 
himself always with readiness and exactness, he has, as an orator, 
little of the poetry of expression which characterizes the Irish school. 
His speeches in Parliament are so restrained and careful that they 
exaggerate his Attic severity of expression. Without doubt his best, 
because his freest speeches, were those made in the United States 
during his visit in 1880. He was bom at Avondale, County Wicklow, 
Ireland, in 1846, and educated at Cambridge. Entering the English 
Parliament in 1875, he became the flrst President of the Irish Land 
League in 1879, and visited the United States as a means of further- 
ing the interests of the Home Rule agitation. He was imprisoned 
under the Coercion Act of 1881-82, and as nothing more was needed 
to give him the complete confidence of the Irish people, he was able 
to force the issues which in 1886 resulted in his alliance with Glad- 
stone and the Gladstone Home Rule Bill, which, if it did not realize 
the expectations of its authors in one way, had in others a far- 
reaching influence in compelling concessions. Parnell died at Brigh- 
ton, October 6th, 1891. 



HIS FIRST SPEECH IN AMERICA 

(Delivered in New York, January 2d, 1880, in Reply to an Address of 
Welcome on His Landing) 

I REGRET that my power of language is not sufficient to convey 
to you my appreciation of the kindness and honor that you 
have done me in meeting me this morning. I feel indebted 
to yoUy individually and collectively. It has always been a great 
pleasure to me to come to the United States of America. I could 



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3144 CHARLES STEWART PARNELL 

have wished that the circumstances attending our native land 
were of a more happy and prosperous character, but we must 
hope and believe that the time is approaching when we may be 
able to speak of Ireland as other men speak of their own coun- 
try, and that we may be able to speak of her as really and truly 
among the nations of the earth. As you have very well ex- 
pressed it in your addresses, our task is of a double character. We 
have to aim against the system which causes discontent and 
suffering in our country, and we have to endeavor to break down 
that system. And with Grod's help we are determined to break 
it down! We have also to see that the victims of the system are 
not suffered to perish. In the meanwhile we are to take care 
that the unity and strength of our people are not broken, and that 
now, when the opportunity has really come for the settlement of 
one of the leading questions in Ireland, the opportunity may not 
be lost. The physical suffering and misery and starvation of 
large portions of our population in Ireland has not been exagger- 
ated. We have been calling upon the Government for eight 
months to relieve that distress, but it has only been within the 
last few days that the English Government has agreed to admit 
there is any distress. This was brought to their notice by a 
letter from the Duchess of Marlborough, wife of the Lord-Lieu- 
tenant, which stated there was going to be a famine and dire 
distress during the coming winter. It is what we have warned 
the Government, and our people at home and abroad, for some 
time, and only now that it is too well spread for almost any 
effectual remedy, do those rulers in England appear to under- 
stand at all their responsibility. We who have been working at 
this great land question and have taken the responsibility off the 
shoulders of the Government, have not, up to the present, made 
any appeal to the Government for the relief of the destitution of 
Ireland. We feel that we cannot longer shut our eyes to the terri- 
ble peril that is approaching, and we think that we ought to put 
the case before our own countrymen, both at home and here in 
America, and endeavor to enlist sympathy with our efforts. We 
believe that in this country the sympathy accorded will be gener- 
ous and noble, despite the efforts of the English press to depre- 
ciate the merits of the American nation. We know full well our 
countrymen in America will do their duty, as they have in every 
clime, to their suffering brethren at home. In brief, I confidently 
anticipate the result of our mission. I believe the result will be 



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CHARLES STEWART PARNELL 31^5 

of such a nature as to give pleasure to us, and also give help to 
our people at home. I can only conclude by again asking you 
to believe that I thank you most heartily for your g^eat kindness 
in meeting us on the threshold of America. Again, I thank you. 



AGAINST NONRESIDENT LANDLORDS 
(From the Speech Delivered in St Louis, March 4th, 1880) 

Mr, President and Ladies and Gentlemen: — 

I THANK you for this magnificent meeting — a splendid token of 
your sympathy and appreciation for the cause of suffering 
Ireland. It is a remarkable fact that while America, through- 
out the length and breadth of her country, does her very utmost 
tb show her sympathy and send her practical help to our people ; 
while there is scarcely any hand save America's between the 
starvation of large masses of the western peasantry, England 
alone of almost all the civilized nations does scarcely anything, 
although close beside Ireland, to help the terrible suffering and 
famine which now oppress that country. I speak a fact when 
I say that if it had not been for the help which has gone from 
America during the last two months among these, our people 
would have perished ere now of starvation. . . . 

We are asked: *Why do you not recommend emigration to 
America?'* and we are told that the lands of Ireland are too 
crowded. The lands of Ireland are not too crowded; they are 
less thickly populated than those of any civilized country in the 
world; they are far less thickly populated — the rich lands of Ire- 
land — than any of your western States. It is only on the bar- 
ren hillsides of Connemara and along the west Atlantic coast 
that we have too thick a population, and it is only on the unfer- 
tile lands that our people are allowed to live. They are not 
allowed to occupy and till the rich lands; these rich lands are 
retained as preserves for landlords, and as vast grazing tracts for 
cattle. And although emigration might be a temporary allevia- 
tion of the trouble in Ireland, it would be a cowardly step on our 
part; it would be running away from our difficulties in Ireland, 
and it would be an acknowledgment of the complete conquest of 
Ireland by England, an acknowledgment which, please God, Ire- 
land shall never make. 



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3M6 



CHARLES STEWART PARNELL 



No! we will stand by our country, and whether we are exter- 
minated by famine to-day, or decimated by English bayonets 
to-morrow, the people of Ireland are determined to uphold the 
God-given right of Ireland — to take her place among the nations 
of the world. Our tenantry are engaged in a struggle of life 
and death with the Irish landlords. It is no use to attempt to 
conceal the issues which have been made there. The landlords 
say that there is not room for both tenants and landlords, and 
that the people must go, and the people have said that the land- 
lords must go. But it may — it may, and it undoubtedly will 
happen in this struggle that some of our gallant tenantry will be 
driven from their homes and evicted. In that case we will use 
some of the money with which you are intrusting us in this coun- 
try for the purpose of finding happier homes in this far western 
land for those of our expatriated people, and it will place us 
in a position of great power, and give our people renewed con- 
fidence in their struggle, if they are assured that any of them 
who are evicted in their attempts to stand by their rights will 
get one hundred and fifty good acres of land in Minnesota, Illi- 
nois, or some of your fine western States. 

Now the cable announces to us to-day that the Government 
is about to attempt to renew the famous Irish Coercion Acts 
which expired this year. Let me explain to you what these Coer- 
cion Acts are. Under them the Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland is 
entitled at any time to proclaim in any Irish country, forbidding 
any inhabitant of that country to go outside of his door after 
dark, and subjecting him to a long term of imprisonment with 
hard labor, if he is found outside his door after dark. No man 
is permitted to carry a gun, or to handle arms in his house; and 
the farmers of Ireland are not even permitted to shoot at the 
birds when they eat the seed com on their freshly-sowed land. 
Under these acts it is also possible for the Lord-Lieutenant of 
Ireland to have any man arrested and consigned to prison with- 
out charge, and without bringing him to trial; to keep him in 
prison as long as he pleases; and circumstances have been known 
where the Government has arrested prisoners under these Coer- 
cion Acts, and has kept them in solitary confinement for two 
years and not allowed them to see a single relative or to com- 
municate with a friend during all that period, and has finally 
forgotten the existence of the helpless prisoners. And this is the 
infamous code which England is now seeking to re-enact. I tell 



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CHARLES STEWART PARNELL 



3M7 



you, when I read this dispatch, strongly impressed as I am with 
the magnitude and vast importance of the work in which we are 
engaged in this country, that I felt strongly tempted to hurry 
back to Westminster in order to show this English Government 
whether it shall dare, in this year 1880, to renew this odious code 
with as much facility as it has done in former years. We shall 
then be able to put to a test the newly-forged gagging rules 
that they have invented for the purpose of depriving the Irish 
Members of freedom of speech. And I wish to express my be- 
lief, my firm conviction, that if the Irish Members do their duty, 
that it will be impossible that this infamous statute can be re- 
enacted; and if it again finds its place upon the statute book, I 
say that the day upon which the royal assent is given to that 
Coercion Act will sound the knell of the political future of the 
Irish people. . . . 

And now, I thank you in conclusion for the magnificent serv- 
ice that you are doing for the cause of Ireland. Keep up this 
work; help to destroy the Irish land system which hangs like a 
millstone around the necks of our people, and when we have 
killed the Irish land system we shall have done much to kill 
English misgovemment in Ireland. 

We caimot give up the right of Ireland to be a nation, and 
although we may devote all our energies to remove the deadly 
upas tree of Irish landlordism, yet still you will trust us and be- 
lieve that above and before all we recognize and are determined 
to work for the right of Ireland to regain her lost nationhood. 
We believe that Ireland is eminently fitted to take her place 
among the nations of the world. A people who can boast of 
such a history as ours; who can boast of martyrs like Robert 
Emmet, whose memory we celebrate to-day; who have had such 
leaders as Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Wolfe Tone; whose liter- 
ature has been enriched by a Davis — I say that such a people 
has shown that although we may be kept down for a time, we 
cannot long continue deprived of our rights. And I, for one, 
feel just as convinced that Ireland will be a nation some day or 
other as I feel convinced that in a year or two the last vestiges 
of landlordism will have disappeared from the face of our coun- 
try. 



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3148 




SIR ROBERT PEEL 

(1788-1850) 

Jm Robert Peel, twice Prime Minister of England, was a man 
of the most versatile mind and varied activities, but he is 
remembered chiefly by his part in bringing about the repeal 
of the Com Laws and by his establishment of the Irish Constabu- 
lary who were called after him « Peelers.* He was bom near Bury 
in Lancashire, February 5th, 1788, the son of Sir Robert Peel, a calico 
printer. After his graduation at Oxford, he was elected to Parliament 
and was rapidly advanced by his Tory associates who recognized his 
abilities. As Under-Secretary for Ireland, he opposed Catholic eman- 
cipation and led the most extreme opponents of Irish autonomy. He 
was Home Secretary under Lord Liverpool and again under the Duke 
of Wellington. After reversing himself and losing the confidence of 
his political friends by consenting to Catholic emancipation, he re- 
gained his place in their esteem by opposing the Reform BilL He 
became Prime Minister in 1834 and resigned in 1835. Restored to 
the Premiership in 1 841, he became a convert to Free Trade, and on 
January 27th, 1846, moved, and was largely instrumental in securing, 
the repeal of the Corn Laws. He died July 2d, 1850. 



ON THE REPEAL OP THE CORN LAWS 
(From the Speech Delivered in the House of Commons, May 15th, 1846) 

SIR, I believe it is now nearly three months since I first pro- 
posed, as the organ of her Majesty's government, the meas- 
ure which, I trust, is about to receive to-night the sanction 
of the House of Commons; and, considering the lapse of time — 
considering the frequent discussions — considering the anxiety of 
the people of this country that these debates should be brought 
to a close, I feel that I should be offering an insult to the House 
— I should be offering an insult to the country, if I were to con- 
descend to bandy personalities upon such an occasion. Sir, I 
foresaw that the course which I have taken from a sense of pub- 
lic duty would expose me to serious sacrifices. I foresaw as its 
inevitable result that I must forfeit friendships which I most 



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SIR ROBERT PEEL. 

After the Design by R. Sctrnta7i. Engraved by W. Mote. 



"his pl.rtrait or" Pt cl is by no means the most youthful of those extant, 
lie entered Parliament at 21 in 1S09, and after retiring was re- 
elected in 1ST7. In 1822 he became Home Secretary under Lord 

Liverpool, and it is probable that he sat for this portrait during that period 

of his career. 




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SIR ROBERT PEEL 



3149 



nighly valued — that I must interrupt political relations in which 
I felt a sincere pride; but the smallest of all the penalties which 
I anticipated were the continued venomous attacks of the Mem- 
ber for Shrewsbury [Mr. Disraeli.] Sir, I will only say of that 
honorable gentleman^ that if he, after reviewing the whole of 
my public life — a life extending over thirty years previous to 
my accession to office in 1841 — if he then entertained the opin- 
ion of me which he now professes; if he thought I was guilty 
of these petty larcenies from Mr. Homer and others, it is a lit- 
tle surprising that in the spring of 1841, after his long expe- 
rience of my public career, he should have been prepared to 
give me his confidence. It is still more surprising that he should 
have been ready — as I think he was — to unite his fortunes with 
mine in office, thus implying the strongest proof which any pub- 
lic man can give of confidence in the honor and integrity of a 
minister of the Crown. 

Sir, I have explained more than once what were the circum- 
stances under which I felt it my duty to take this course. I did 
feel in November last that there was just cause for apprehension 
of scarcity and famine in Ireland. I am stating what were the 
apprehensions I felt at that time, what were the motives from 
which I acted; and those apprehensions, though they may be 
denied now, were at least shared then by those honorable gen- 
tlemen who sit below the gangway [the Protectionists]. The 
honorable Member for Somersetshire [Sir T. Acland] expressly 
declared that at the period to which I referred he was prepared 
to acquiesce in the suspension of the Com Laws. An honorable 
Member also, a recent addition to this House, who spoke with 
great ability the other night, the honorable Member for Dorset- 
shire [Mr. Seymer] distinctly declared that he thought I should 
have abandoned my duty if I had not advised that, considering 
the circumstances of Ireland, the restrictions on the importation 
of foreign com should be temporarily removed. I may have 
been wrong, but my impression was, first, that my duty towards 
a countiy threatened with famine required that that which had 
been the ordinary remedy under all similar circumstances should 
be resorted to — namely, that there should be free access to the 
food of man from whatever quarter it might come. I was pre- 
pared to give the best proof which public men generally can 
give of the sincerity of their opinions, by tendering my resigna- 
tion of office, and devolving upon others the duty of proposing 



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3150 SIR ROBERT PEEL 

this measure; and, sir, I felt this, that if these laws were once 
suspended, and there was unlimited access to food, the produce 
of other countries, I, and those with whom I acted, felt the 
strongest conviction that it was not for the public interest — that 
it was not for the interest of the agricultural party, that an at- 
tempt should be made permanently to reimpose restrictions on 
the importation of food. . . . 

These are the motives on which I acted. I know the penalty 
to which I must be subject for having so acted; but I declare, 
even after the continuance of these debates, that I am only the 
more impressed with the conviction that the policy we advise is 
correct. An honorable gentleman in the course of this evening, 
the honorable Member for Sunderland [Mr. Hudson], informed 
us that he had heard that there was excitement about the Com 
Laws; but he undertook to give a peremptory contradiction to 
that report, for he never recollected any public question being 
proposed involving such great interests, which, on the whole, was 
received by all classes concerned — by the manufacturing and by 
the agricultural classes — with less excitement and with a greater 
disposition to confide in the wisdom of the decision of Parlia- 
ment. Well, if that be so — if this question is proposed at such 
a time — [Mr. Hudson — No, no!] I, certainly understood the hon- 
orable Member to make that statement. [Mr. Hudson — I will 
explain later.] I may be mistaken, and of course I am, if the 
honorable Member says so; but I understood him to say that so 
far from there being any undue excitement, he thought that there 
was much less than could have been expected, and that all par- 
ties were disposed to acquiesce in the decision of Parliament 

[Mr. Hudson — What I stated I believe was this: that there 
was no excitement in favor of the bill — not that there was a 
deep feeling on the part of the agriculturists against it, but that 
there was no public excitement in its favor.] 

That varies very little from the expressions I used, and en- 
tirely justifies the inference which I drew. If there be no ex- 
citement in favor of the bill, and no strong feeling on the part 
of the agriculturists against it, it appears to me that this is not 
an unfavorable moment for the dispassionate consideration by 
Parliament of a subject otherwise calculated to promote excite- 
ment on the part of one class and to cause great apprehension 
on the part of the other; and the honorable Member's statement 
is a strong confirmation of my belief that it is wise to undertake 



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SIR ROBERT PEEL 3IJI 

the settlement of this question when there is such absence of 
excitement, rather than to wait until a period when unfavorable 
harvests and depressed manufactures may have brought about a 
state of things which may render it less easy for you to exercise 
a dispassionate judgment on the matter. Sir, I do not rest my 
support of this bill merely upon the temporary ground of scarc- 
ity in Ireland. I do not rest my support of the bill upon that 
temporary scarcity; but I believe that scarcity left no alternative 
to uSy but to undertake the consideration of this question; and 
that consideration being necessary, I think that a permanent ad- 
justment of the question is not only imperative, but the best 
policy for all concerned. And I repeat now, that I have a firm 
belief that it is for the general benefit of all — for the best inter- 
ests of the country, independent of the obligation imposed on us 
by temporary scarcity — it is for the general interests of the great 
body of the people that an arrangement should be made for a 
permanent removal of the restrictions upon the introduction of 
food. , . . 

I have stated the reasons which have induced me to take the 
present course. You may no doubt say that I am only going on 
the experience of three years and am acting contrary to the 
principles of my whole life. Well, I admit that charge — I ad- 
mit that I have defended the existence of the Com Laws — yes, 
and that up to the present period I have refused to acquiesce 
in the proposition to destroy tiiem. I candidly admit all this; but 
when I am told that I am acting inconsistently with the princi- 
ples of my whole life, by advocating Free Trade, I give this state- 
ment a peremptory denial. During the last three years I have 
subjected myself to many taunts on this question, and you have 
often said to me that Earl Grey had found out something indi- 
cating a change in my opinions. Did I not s^y I thought that 
we ought not hastily to disturb vested interests by any rash legis- 
lation? Did I not declare that the principle of political economy 
suggested the purchasing in the cheapest market, and the selling 
in the dearest market? Did I not say that I thought there was 
nothing so special in the produce of agriculture that should 
exempt it from the application of this principle which we have 
applied already to other articles? You have a right, I admit, to 
taunt me with any change of opinion upon the Com Laws; but 
when you say that by my adoption of the principle of Free 
Trade I have acted in contradiction to those principles which I 



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3152 SIR ROBERT PEEL 

have always avowed during my whole life, that charge, at least, 
I say, is destitute of foundation. . . . 

Sir, if I look to the prerogative of the Crown — if I look to 
the position of the Church — if I look to the influence of the aris- 
tocracy — I cannot charge myself with having taken any course 
inconsistent with conservative principles, calculated to endanger 
the privileges of any branch of the legislature, or of any institu- 
tions of the country. My earnest wish has been, during my 
tenure of power, to impress the people of this country with a 
belief that the legislature was animated by a sincere desire to 
frame its legislation upon the principles of equity and justice. I 
have a strong belief that the greatest object which we or any 
other government can contemplate should be to elevate the social 
condition of that class of the people with whom we are brought 
into no direct relationship by the exercise of the elective franchise. 
I wish to convince them that our object has been to apportion 
taxation, that we shall relieve industry and labor from any undue 
burden, and transfer it, so far as is consistent with the pubHc 
good, to those who are better enabled to bear it. I look to the 
present peace of this country; I look to the absence of all dis- 
turbance — to the nonexistence of any commitment for a sedi- 
tious oflEense; I look to the calm that prevails in the public mind; 
I look to the absence of all disaflEection; I look to the increased 
and growing public confidence on account of the course you have 
taken in relieving trade from restrictions, and industry from un- 
just burdens; and where there was dissatisfaction I see content- 
ment, where there was turbulence I see there is peace; where 
there was disloyalty I see there is loyalty; I see a disposition to 
confide in you, and not to agitate questions that are at the founda- 
tions of your institutions. Deprive me of power to-morrow, you 
can never deprive me of the consciousness that I have exercised 
the powers committed to me from no corrupt or interested mot- 
ives — from no desire to gratify ambition, or attain any personal 
object; that I have labored to maintain peace abroad consistently 
with the national honor and defending every public right — to 
increase the confidence of the great body of the people in the 
justice of your decisions, and by the means of equal law to 
dispense with all coercive powers — to maintain loyalty to the 
Throne, and attachment to the Constitution, from a conviction of 
the benefit that will accrue to the great body of the people. 



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SIR ROBERT PEEL 3153 



A PLEA FOR HIGHER EDUCATION 

(From the Address Delivered on His Installation as Lord Rector of the 
University of Glasgow, January nth, 1837) 

«|T IS very natural,* says Sir Joshua Reynolds, *for those who 
I are unacquainted with the cause of anjrthing extraordinary, 
to be astonished at the effect and to consider it as a kind 
of magic. 

*The travelers into the East tell us that when the ignorant 
inhabitants of those countries are asked concerning the ruins of 
stately edifices yet remaining among them, the melancholy monu- 
ments of their former grandeur and long-lost science, they always 
answer that they were built by magicians. The untaught mind 
finds a vast gulf between its own powers and those works of 
complicated art which it is utterly unable to fathom, and it 
supposes that such a void can be passed only by supernatural 
powers. * 

We have, in the instance of Cicero, the stately edifice, the 
monument of intellectual grandeur; but we have also the evi- 
dence of the illustrious architect to prove to us by what careful 
process the foundations were securely laid and the scaffolding 
gradually erected. Our wonder at the perfection of the work 
may be abated, but what can abate our admiration and respect 
for the elevated views — the burning thirst for knowledge and for 
fame — the noble ambition which ^scorned delights, and lived 
laborious days* — which had engraven on the memory the pa- 
ternal exhortation to the hero in Homer, the noblest, says Doctor 
Johnson, that can be found in any heathen writer: — 

«A«p apujTtwtv Kcu wretpoxov e/iuevat a^Xuv.^ 

The name, the authority, the example of Cicero, conduct me 
naturally to a topic which I should be unwilling to pass in 
silence. I allude to the immense importance to all who aspire 
to conspicuous stations in any department of public or learned 
professional life, — the immense importance of classical acquire- 
ments, of imbuing your minds with a knowledge of the pure 
models of antiquity and a taste for their constant study and cul- 
tivation. Do not disregard this admonition from the impression 
that it proceeds from the natural prejudice in favor of classical 
learning, which an English university may have unconsciously 
VIII — 198 



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3154 SIR ROBERT PEEL 

instilled, or that it is offered presumptuously by one who is ig- 
norant of that description of knowledge which is best adapted 
to the habits and occupations of society in Scotland. 

Oh, let us take higher and more extensive views! Feel assured 
that a wider horizon than that of Scotland is opening upon you 
— that you are candidates starting with equal advantage for every 
prize of profit or distinction which the wide circle of an empire 
extended through every quarter of the globe can include. 

Bear in mind, too, that every improvement in the means of 
communication between distant parts of that empire is pointing 
out a new avenue to fame, particularly to those who are remote 
from the seat of government. This is not the place where in- 
justice should be done to that mighty discovery which is eflFecting 
a daily change in the pre-existing relations of society. It is not 
within the college of Glasgow that a false and injurious estimate 
should be made of the results of the speculations of Black and 
of the inventive genius of Watt. The steam engine and the rail- 
road are not merely facilitating the transport of merchandise, 
they are not merely shortening the duration of journeys, or ad- 
ministering to the supply of physical wants. They are speeding 
the intercourse between mind and mind; they are creating new 
demands for knowledge; they are fertilizing the intellectual as 
well as the material waste; they are removing the impediments 
which obscurity, or remoteness, or poverty, may have heretofore 
opposed to the emerging of real merit. 

They are supplying you, in the mere facility of locomotion, 
with a new motive for classical study. They are enabling you 
with comparative ease to enjoy that pure and refined pleasure 
which makes the past predominate over the present, when we 
stand upon the spots where the illustrious deeds of ancient times 
have been performed, and meditate on monuments that are asso- 
ciated with names and actions that can never perish. They are 
offering to your lips the intoxicating draught that is described 
with such noble enthusiasm by Gibbon: *^At the distance of 
twenty-five years I can neither forget nor express the strong 
emotions which agitated my mind as I first approached and en- 
tered the eternal city. After a sleepless night I trod with a lofty 
step the ruins of the Forum; each memorable spot where Rom- 
ulus stood, or TuUy spoke, or Caesar fell, was at once present to 
my eye, and several days of intoxication were lost or enjoyed be- 
fore I could descend to a cool or minute investigation.*^ . . . 



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SIR ROBERT PEEL 



315s 



By every motive which can influence a reflecting and respon-* 
sible being, •'a being of large discourse, looking before and after,* 
— by the memory of the distinguished men who have shed a 
lustre on these walls, — by regard for your own success and hap- 
piness in this life, — by the fear of future discredit, — by the hope 
of lasting fame, — by all these considerations do I conjure you, 
while you have yet time, while your minds are yet flexible, to 
form them on the models which approach the nearest to perfec- 
tion. Sursum cor da f By motives yet more urgent, — by higher 
and purer aspirations, — by the duty of obedience to the will of 
God, — by this awful account you will have to render, not merely 
of moral actions, but of faculties intrusted to you for improvement, 
— by these high arguments do I conjure you so •to nmnber your 
days that you may apply your hearts unto wisdom* — unto that 
wisdom which, directing your ambition to the noble end of bene- 
fiting mankind, and teaching you humble reliance on the merits 
and on the mercy of your Redeemer, may support you *in the 
time of your tribulation,* may admonish you *in the time of 
your wealth,* and •'in the hour of death, and in the day of judg- 
ment,* may comfort you with the hope of deliverance. 



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3156 




EDMUND PENDLETON 

(1721-1803) 

IE argument on the First and Second Sections of the Federal 
Constitution, delivered by Edmund Pendleton in the Vir- 
ginia Convention of 1788, has been admired as one of the 
best of the many searching analyses of the principles of government 
made during that period. Pendleton was bom in Caroline County, 
Virginia, September 9th, 1721. At different times he was a Member 
of the Virginia House of Burgesses, and of the Continental Congress. 
He was President of the Virginia Convention, and the resolutions in- 
structing the State representatives in Congress to propose the Decla- 
ration of Independence were written by him. He died at Richmond, 
October 23d, 1803. 



LIBERTY AND GOVERNMENT IN AMERICA 

(On the First and Second Sections of the Federal Constitution — Delivered in 
the Virginia Convention, June 12th, 1788) 

Mr, Chairman: — 

WHEN I spoke formerly, I endeavored to account for the un- 
easiness of the public mind, on the ground that it arose 
from objections to government drawn from mistaken 
sources. I stated the general governments of the world to have 
been either dictated by a conqueror at the point of his sword, 
or the offspring of confusion when a great popular leader, seiz- 
ing the occasion, if he did not produce it, restored order at the 
expense of liberty, and became the tyrant. In either case, the 
interest and ambition of the despot, and not the good of society, 
give the tone to the government, and establish contending inter- 
ests. A war is commenced and kept up, where there ought to 
be union; and the friends of liberty have sounded the alarm to 
the people, to regain that liberty which circumstances have thus 
deprived them of. Those alarms, misrepresented and improperly 
applied to this government, have produced uneasiness in the pub- 
lic mind. 



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EDMUND PENDLETON 3157 

I said, improperly applied, because the people, by us, are 
peaceably assembled, to contemplate, in the calm lights of mild 
philosophy, what government is best calculated to promote their 
happiness and secure their liberty. This I am sure we shall 
eflfect, if we do not lose sight of them by too much attachment 
to pictures of beauty, or horror, in our researches into antiquity, 
our travels for examples into remote regions, or severe criticisms 
upon our unfriendly applications of expressions which may drop 
in the eflEusions of honest zeal. The term *herd* was thus pro- 
duced, meaning to express a multitude. It was capable of an 
odious application, that of placing the citizens in a degrading 
character. I wish it had not been used, and I wish the gentle- 
man on the other side had thought himself at liberty to let it 
pass, without pointing out its odious meaning. However, I claim 
no right to prescribe to him. It is done, and it must rest with 
the candor of the attending citizens, whom it concerns, to give 
it the innocent meaning which^ I am sure, the honorable gentle- 
man intended. 

On the subject of government, the worthy member [Mr. 
Henry] and I diflfer at the threshold. I think government neces- 
sary to protect liberty. He supposes the American spirit all- 
suflScient for the purpose. What say the most respectable 
writers — Montesquieu, Locke, Sidney, Harrington, etc.? They 
have presented us with no such idea. They properly discard 
from their system all the severity of cruel punishment, such as 
tortures, inquisitions, and the like — shocking to human nature, 
and only calculated to coerce the dominion of tyrants over slaves. 
But they recommend making the ligaments of governments firm, 
and a rigid execution of the laws as more necessary than in a 
monarchy to preserve that virtue which they all declare to be 
the pillar on which the government, and liberty, its object, must 
stand. They are not so visionary as to suppose there ever did, 
or ever will, exist a society, however large their aggregate fund 
of virtue may be, but hath among them persons of a turbulent 
nature, restless in themselves and disturbing the peace of others 
— sons of rapine and violence, who, unwilling to labor them- 
selves, are watching every opportunity to snatch from the indus- 
trious peasant the fruits of his honest labor. Was I not, then, 
correct in my inference, that such a government and liberty were 
friends and allies, and that their common enemies were turbu- 
lence, faction, and violence ? It is those, therefore, that will be 



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3158 



EDMUND PENDLETON 



offended by good government; and for those I suppose no gen- 
tleman will profess himself an advocate. 

The writers just mentioned point out licentiousness as the 
natural offspring of liberty, and that, therefore, all free govern- 
ments should endeavor to suppress it, or else it will ultimately 
overthrow that liberty of which it is the result. Is this specula- 
tion only? Alas! reason and experience too fatally prove its 
truth in all instances. A repubUcan government is the nursery 
of science. It turns the bent of it to eloquence, as a qualifica- 
tion for the representative character, which is, as it ought to be, 
the road to our public offices. I have pleasure in beholding these 
characters already produced in our councils — and a rising fund 
equal to a constant supply. May heaven prosper their endeavors, 
and direct their eloquence to the real good of their country! 
I am unfortunate enough to differ from the worthy member in 
another circumstance. He professes himself an advocate for the 
middling and lower classes of men. I profess to be a friend to 
the equal liberty of all men, from the palace to the cottage, 
without any other distinction than that between good and bad 
men. I appeal to my public life and private behavior, to decide 
whether I have departed from this rule. Since distinctions have 
been brought forth and communicated to the audience, and will 
be therefore disseminated, I beg gentlemen to take with them 
this observation — that distinctions have been produced by the 
opposition. From the friends of the new government they have 
heard none. None such are to be found in the organization of 
the paper before you. 

Why bring into the debate the whims of writers — introducing 
the distinction of well-bom from others? I consider every man 
well-bom who comes into the world with an intelligent mind, 
and with all his parts perfect. I am an advocate for fixing our 
government on true republican principles, giving to the fjfiQT man 
free liberty in his person and p roperty . ^ 

Whether a man be great or small, he is equally dear to me. 
I wish, sir, for a regular government in order to secure and 
protect those honest citizens who have been distinguished, — I 
mean the industrious farmer and planter. I wish them to be 
protected in the enjoyment of their honestly and industriously 
acquired property. I wish commerce to be fully protected and 
encouraged, that the people may have an opportunity of disposing 
of their crops at market;, and of procuring such supplies as they 



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.EDMUND PENDLETON 3159 

may be in want of. I presume that there can be no poKtical 
happiness unless industry be cherished and protected, and prop- 
erly secured. Suppose a poor man becomes rich by honest labor, 
and increases the public stock of wealth, shall his reward be the 
loss of that liberty he set out with ? Will you take away every 
stimulus to industry by declaring that he shall not retain the 
fruits of it? The idea of the poor becoming rich by assiduity is 
not mere fancy. I am old enough, and have had sufficient expe- 
rience, to know the eflEects of it. I have often known persons, 
commencing in life without any other stock than industry and 
economy, by the mere efforts of these, rise to opulence and 
wealth. This could not have been the case without a govern- 
ment to protect their industry. In my mind the true principle 
of republicanism, and the greatest security of liberty, is regular 
government. Perhaps I may not be a Republican, but this is 
my idea. In reviewing the history of the world shall we find 
an instance where any society retained its liberty without gov- 
ernment? As I before hinted, the smallest society in extent to 
the greatest empire can only be preserved by a regular govern- 
ment to suppress that faction and turbulence so natural to many 
of our species. What do men do with thoi^ passions when they 
come into society? Do they leave them? No; they bring them 
with them. These passions which they thus bring into society will 
produce disturbances, which, without any checks, will overturn it. 
A distinction has been made which surprised me, between the 
illumined mind and the ignorant. I have heard with pleasure, in 
other places, that worthy gentleman expatiate on the advantages 
of learning — among other things, as friendly to liberty. I have 
seen, in our code of laws, the public purse applied to cherish 
private seminaries. This is n^t s trictl y just; I but with me the 
end sanctified the means, and I was satisfied. * But did we thus 
encourage learning to set up those who attained its benefits as 
butts of invidious distinction ? Surely the worthy member, on re- 
flection, will disavow the idea. He learns to little purpose, in- 
deed, who vainly supposes himself become, from the circumstance, 
of an order of beings superior to the honest citizens — peasants 
if you please to term them so — who, in their labor, produce 
great good to the community. But those illumined minds who 
apply their knowledge to promote and cherish liberty — equal 
liberty to all, the peasant as well as others — give to society the 
real blessings of learning. 



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EDMUND PENDLETON 



I have seen learning used both ways; but have had pleasure 
in observing that lately the latter fruits only have generally ap- 
peared, which I attribute to the influence of republican princi- 
ples and a regard for true liberty. Am I still suspected of want 
of attachment for my worthy fellow-citizens whom the gentleman 
calls peasants and cottagers ? Let me add one more observation. 
I cannot leave them in the state in which he has placed them — 
in the parallel between them and those of Switzerland, the United 
Netherlands, and Great Britain. The peasants of the Swiss can- 
tons trade in war. Trained in arms, they become the mercen- 
aries of the best bidder, to carry on the destruction of mankind 
as an occupation where they have not even resentment. Are 
these a fit people for a comparison with our worthy planters and 
farmers, in their drawing food and raiment, and even wealth, by 
honest labor, from the bowels of the earth, where an inexhausti- 
ble store is placed by a bountiful creator? 

The citizens of the United Netherlands have no right of suf- 
frage. There they lost that distinguished badge of freedom. 
Their representation to their State assemblies is of towns and 
cities, and not of the people at large. 

The people of Britain have a right of suffrage, but sell it for 
a mess of pottage. 

The happiness of the people is the object of this Government, 
and the people are therefore made the fountain of power. They 
cannot act personally, and must delegate powers. Here the 
worthy gentleman who spoke last, and I, traveling not tibgether, 
indeed, but in sight, are placed at an immeasurable distance — as 
far as the poles asunder. He recommends a government more 
energetic and strong than this, abundantly too strong ever to re- 
ceive my approbation, — a first magistrate borrowed from Britain, 
to whom you are to make a surrender of your liberty; and you 
give him a separate interest from yours. You intrench that in- 
terest by powers and prerogatives undefined — implant in him 
self-love, from the influence of which he is to do, what — to pro- 
mote your interest in opposition to his own ? An operation of 
self-love which is new! Having done this, you accept from him 
a charter of the rights you have parted with; present him a bill 
of rights, telling him: Thus far shall you oppress us and no 
farther. 

It still depends on him whether he will give you that charter 
or allow the operation of the Bill of Rights. He will do it as 



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EDMUND PENDLETON 



3161 



long as he cannot do otherwise, but no longer. Did ever any 
free people in the world, not dictated to by the sword of a con- 
queror, or by circumstances into which licentiousness may have 
plunged them, place themselves in so degrading a situation, or 
make so disgraceful a sacrifice of their liberty ? If they did, sure 
I am that the example will not be followed by this convention. 
This is not all; we are to look somewhere for the chosen few to 
go into the ten miles square, with extensive powers for life, and 
thereby destroy every degree of true responsibility. Is there no 
medium, or shall we recur to extremes ? As a Republican, sir, I 
think that the security of the liberty and happiness of the people, 
from the highest to the lowest, being the object of government, 
the people are consequently the fountain of all power. 

They must, however, delegate it to agents, because, from their 
number, dispersed situation, and many other circumstances, they 
cannot exercise it in person. They must, therefore, by frequent 
and certain elections, choose representatives to whom they trust it. 

Is there any distinction in the exercise of this delegation of 
power? The man who possesses twenty-five acres of land has an 
equal right of voting for a representative with the man who has 
twenty-five thousand acres. This equality of suffrage secures the 
people in their property. While we are in pursuit of checks and 
balances, and proper security in the delegation of power, we 
ought never to lose sight of the representative character. By this 
we preserve the great principle of the primary right of power in 
the people; and should deviations happen from our interest, the 
spirit of liberty, in future elections, will correct it — a security I 
esteem far superior to paper Bills of Rights. 



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3162 




WILLIAM PENN 
(1644-1718) 

Jn 1670, William Penn and his fellow-Quaker, William Mead, 
were arrested on the charge that ^he. the said Penn, abet- 
ted by the said Mead, did take upon himself to speak and 
preach upon the streets^ of London, without permission. At their 
trial before the Mayor, Samuel Starling, and the Recorder, Penn at- 
tempted to defend himself by summing up the inalienable rights of 
Englishmen. He was repeatedly interrupted, the Mayor finally say- 
ing: ^Stop his mouth, jailer. Bring fetters and stake him to the 
ground!'* Penn afterwards published the speech he would have made 
if allowed to proceed. The jury were instructed by the Mayor to con- 
vict, and when, disregarding the instructions, they acquitted Penn and 
Mead, each juryman was fined forty marks for contempt. Penn's 
speech, shows that he had a most remarkable intellect He was bom 
at London, October 14th, 1644, and educated at Oxford, where he ac- 
quired the learning he shows in this address. His connection with 
the Quakers began in 1668. The grant of Pennsylvania was made to 
him in 1681, and, except when he was deprived of it for a short time 
(from 1692 to 1694), the control of that colony remained with him 
until his death, July 30th, 17 18. His works were collected and pub- 
lished in 1726, but as they are largely controversial they are seldom 
read, and he has almost ceased to be suspected of the ability shown 
in the construction of the Old Bailey address. 



THE GOLDEN RULE AGAINST TYRANNY 

(Delivered at the Trial of William Penn and William Mead, at the Old 
Bailey, for a « Tumultuotis Assembly, » in 1670) 

WE HAVE lived to an age so debauched from all humanity 
and reason, as well as faith and religion, that some stick 
not to turn butchers to their own privileges and con- 
spirators against their own liberties. For however Magna Charta 
had once the reputation of a sacred unalterable law, and few were 
hardened enough to incur and bear the long curse that attends 
the violators of it, yet it is frequently objected now, that the 



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WILLIAM PENN 3163 

benefits there designed are but temporary, and therefore liable 
to alteration, as other statutes are. What game such persons 
play at may be read in the attempts of Dionysius, Phalaris, etc.. 
which would have will and power be the people's law. 

But that the privileges due to Englishmen, by the Great Char- 
ter of England, have their foundation in reason and law; and 
that those new Cassandrian ways to introduce will and power 
deserve to be detested by all persons professing sense and hon- 
esty, and the least allegiance to our English Government, we 
shall make appear from a sober consideration of the nature of 
those privileges contained in that charter. 

1. The ground of alteration of any law in government (where 
there is no invasion) should arise from the universal discommod- 
ity of its continuance, but there can be no disprofit in the dis- 
continuance of liberty and property, therefore there can be no 
just ground of alteration. 

2. No one Englishman is bom slave to another, neither has 
the one a right to inherit the sweat and benefit of the other's 
labor, without consent; therefore the liberty and property of an 
Englishman cannot reasonably be at the will and beck of an- 
other, let his quality and rank be never so great 

3 There can be nothing more unreasonable than that which 
is partial, but to take away the liberty and property of any, 
which are natural rights, without breaking the law of nature 
(and not of will and power) is manifestly partial, and therefore 
unreasonable. 

4. If it be just and reasonable for men to do as they would 
be done by, then no sort of men should invade the liberties and 
properties of other men, because they would not be served so 
themselves 

5. Where liberty and property are destroyed, there must al- 
ways be a state of force and war, which, however pleasing it 
may be unto the invaders, will be esteemed intolerable by the 
invaded, who will no longer remain subject in all human prob- 
ability than while they want as much power to free themselves 
as their adversaries had to enslave them; the troubles, hazards, 
ill consequences, and illegality of such attempts, as they have 
declined by the most prudent in all ages, so have they proved 
most uneasy to the most savage of all nations, who first or last 
have by a mighty torrent freed themselves, to the due pun- 
ishment and great infamy of their oppressors; such being the 



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advantage, such the disadvantage which necessarily do attend the 
fixation and removal of liberty and property. 

We shall proceed to make it appear that Magna Charta (as 
recited by us) imports nothing less than their preservation: — 

^No freeman shall be taken or imprisoned, or be disseized of his 
freehold, or liberties, or free customs, or be outlawed, or exiled, or 
any other ways destroyed; nor we will not pass upon him nor con- 
demn him, but by lawful judgment of his peers, etc. 

^A freeman shall not be amerced for a small fault, but after the 
manner of the fault, and for a great fault after the greatness thereof, 
and none of the said amercement shall be assessed, but by the oath 
of good and lawful men of the vicinage.^ 

1. It asserts Englishmen to be free; that's liberty. 

2. That they have freeholds; that's property. 

3. That amercement or penalties should be proportioned to 
the faults committed, which is equity. 

4. That they shall lose neither, but when they are adjudged to 
have forfeited them, in the judgment of their honest neighbors, 
according to the law of the land, which is lawful judgment. 

It is easy to discern to what pass the enemies of the Great 
Charter would bring the people. 

1. They are now freemen; but they would have them slaves. 

2. They have now right unto their wives, children, and es- 
tates, as their undoubted property; but such would rob them of 
all. 

3. Now no man is to be amerced or punished but suitably to 
his fault; whilst they would make it suitable to their revengeful 
minds. 

4. Whereas the power of judgment lies in the breasts and 
consciences of twelve honest neighbors, they would have it at 
the discretion of mercenary judges; to which we cannot choose 
but add that such discourses manifestly strike at this present 
constitution of government; for it being founded upon the Great 
Charter, which is the ancient common law of the land, as upon 
its best foundation, none can design the canceling of the char- 
ter, but they must necessarily intend the extirpation of the Eng- 
lish Government; for where the cause is taken away the eflfect 
must consequently cease. And as the restoration of our ancient 
English laws, by the Great Charter, was the sovereign balsam 



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which cured our former breaches, so doubtless will the continua- 
tion of it prove an excellent prevention to any future disturb- 
ances. 

But some are ready to object that *The Great Charter con- 
sisting as well of religious as civil rights, the former having 
received an alteration, there is the same reason why the latter 
may have the like.* 

To which we answer that the reason of alteration cannot be 
the same; therefore the consequence is false. The one being a 
matter of opinion, about faith and religious worship, which is as 
various as the unconstant apprehensions of men; but the other is 
matter of so immutable right and justice, that all generations, 
however differing in their religious opinions, have concentred, 
and agreed to the certainty, equity, and indispensable necessity 
of preserving these fundamental laws; so that Magna Charta hath 
not risen and fallen with the differing religious opinions that 
have been in this land, but have ever remained as the stable 
right of every individual Englishman, purely as an Englishman. 
Otherwise, if the civil privileges of the people had fallen with 
the pretended religious privileges of the popish tyranny, at the 
first reformation, as must needs be suggested by this objection, 
our case had ended here, that we had obtained a spiritual free- 
dom, at the cost of a civil bondage; which certainly was far 
from the intention of the first reformers, and probably an unseen 
consequence, by the objectors to their idle opinion. 

In short, there is no time in which any man may plead the 
necessity of such an action as is unjust in its own nature, which 
he must unavoidably be guilty of, that doth deface or cancel that 
law by which the justice of liberty and property is confirmed and 
maintained to the people. And consequently no person may 
legally attempt the subversion or extenuation of the force of the 
Great Charter. We shall proceed to prove from instances out of 
both. 

1. Any judgment given contrary to the said charter is to be 
imdone and holden for naught. 25th Edward I., chap. ii. 

2. Any that by word, deed, or counsel, go contrary to the said 
charter are to be excommunicated by the bishops; and the arch- 
bishop of Canterbury and York are bound to compel the other 
bishops to denounce sentence accordingly, in case of their remiss- 
ness or neglect, which certainly hath relation to the State rather 
than the Church, since there was never any necessity of compell- 



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ing the bishops to denounce sentence in their own case, though 
frequently in the people's. 25th Edward I., chap. iv. 

3. That the Great Charter and Charter of Forest be holden 
and kept in all points, and if any statute be made to the con- 
trary, that it shall be holden for naught. 42d Edward III., 
chap. i. Upon which Coke, that famous English lawyer, said: — 

•Albeit judgments in the King's courts are of high regard in law, 
and judicia are accounted as juris dicta, yet it is provided by act of 
Parliament that if any judgment be given contrary to any of the 
points of the Great Charter, it should be holden for naught* 

He further said: — 

«That upon the Statute of the 25th of Edward I., chap, i., that 
this Great Charter and the Charter of Forest are properly the com- 
mon law of the land, or the law is common to all the people thereof.* 

4. Another statute runs thus: — 

•If any force come to disturb the execution of the common law. 
ye shall cause their bodies to be arrested and put in prison; ye shall 
deny no man right by the King's letters, nor counsel the King any- 
thing that may turn to his damage or disherison. i8th Edward m., 
chap. vii. Neither to delay right by the Great and Little Seal.* 
This is the judge's charge and oath. 2d Edward III., chap. viii. ; 
14th Edward III., chap. xiv. ; nth Richard 11. , chap. x. 

Such care hath been taken for the preservation of this Great 
Charter that in the 25th Edward I. it was enacted: — 

•That commissioners should issue forth that there should be 
chosen in every shire court, by the commonalty of the same shire, 
three substantial men, knights or other lawful, wise, and well-disposed 
persons, to be justices, which shall be assigned by the King's letters 
patent, under the Great Seal, to hear and determine without any other 
writ, but only their commission, such plaints as shall be made upon 
all those that commit or offend against any point contained in the 
aforesaid charters.* 28th Edward I., chap. i. . . . 

So heinous a thing was it esteemed of old to endeavor an 
enervation or subversion of these ancient rights and privileges, 
that acts of Parliament themselves (otherwise the most sacred 
with the people) have not been of force enough to secure or de- 
fend such persons from condign punishment, who, in pursuance 



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of them, have acted inconsistent with our Great Charter. There- 
fore it is that great lawyer, the Lord Coke, doth once nlbre ag- 
gravate the example of Empson an^i Dudley (with persons of the 
same rank) into a just caution, as well to Parliaments as judges, 
justices, and inferior magistrates, to decline making or executing 
any act that may in the least seem to restringe or confirm this 
so often avowed and confirmed Great Charter of the liberties of 
England, since Parliaments are said to err when they cross it; 
the obeyers of their acts punished as time-serving transgressors, 
and that kings themselves (though enriched by those courses) have, 
with great compunction and repentance, left among their dying 
words their recantations. 

Therefore most notable and true it was, with which we shall 
conclude this present subject, what the King pleased to observe 
in the speech to the Parliament about 1662, namely: *The good 
old rules of law are our best security.* 



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PERICLES 

{c. 495-429 B. C.) 

I^HE Age of Pericles is celebrated as the climax of Athenian 
civilization. In its poetry, its architecture, and its sculpture, 
the Athens of that age illustrated the highest excellence of 
the Greek intellect, ^schylns, Sophocles, and Euripides, the three 
greatest tragic poets of antiquity, all belong to this period, and the 
building of the Parthenon was a manifestation of its controlling idea 
— the idea that the intellect should be so developed as to express in 
all things the highest sense of order, and beauty, never extravagant, 
and directed always by the severest chastity of respect for law. This 
spirit is illustrated in the eloquence of Pericles, as Thucydides reports 
him. It would be most interesting to inquire how such qualities could 
have been developed among a people so fickle and volatile as the 
Athenians, but they certainly were developed, the direct compelling 
cause being the smallness of the Athenian State, its impotence in 
every trial of strength depending merely on physical force, and the 
absolute necessity it was under as a small State to develop to the 
utmost its intellectual resources. Its history under Pericles has a 
parallel in that of England in the Shakespearean age. when as a result 
of what might best be called <^ provincialism,^ if that word did not 
have an odious suggestion, local sympathy made possible the produc- 
tion of intellectual masterpieces never surpassed and seldom equaled 
in the history of the world. Bom about 495 B. C, Pericles became 
active in Athenian politics about the year 469. Becoming the leader 
of the Democratic party, he brought about the ostracism of his princi- 
pal opponents, and gained complete control of the city. The house 
of his mistress, Aspasia, was the resort of the most celebrated writers 
and philosophers of Athens. It is said that she assisted Pericles in 
composing his famous oration of 431 B. C, here published. 



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PERICLES 



ON THE CAUSES OP ATHENIAN GREATNESS 



3169 



(An Oration Delivered at the Public Funeral of the Athenian Soldiers Killed 
in the First Year of the Peloponnesian War, 431 B. C.) 

MANY of those who have spoken before me on these occasions 
have commended the author of that law which we are now 
obeying, for having instituted an oration to the honor of 
those who sacrifice their lives in fighting for their country. For 
my part, I think it sufl&cient for men who have proved their 
virtue in action, by action to be honored for it — by such as you 
see the public gratitude now performing about this funeral; and 
that the virtues of many ought not to be endangered by the man- 
agement of any one person when their credit must precariously 
depend on his oration, which may be good and may be bad. 
DiflScult, indeed, it is, judiciously to handle a subject where even 
probable truth will hardly gain assent. The hearer, enlightened 
by a long acquaintance, and warm in his aflEection, may quickly 
pronounce everything unfavorably expressed in respect to what 
he wishes and what he knows, — while the stranger pronounces 
all exaggerated through envy of those deeds which he is conscious 
are above his own achievement. For the praises bestowed upon 
others are then only to be endured, when men imagine they can 
do those feats they hear to have been done: they envy what they 
cannot equal, and immediately pronounce it false. Yet, as this 
solemnity hath received its sanction from the authority of our 
ancestors, it is my duty also to obey the law and to endeavor to 
procure, as far as I am able, the good-will and approbation of all 
my audience. 

I shall therefore begin first with our forefathers, since both 
justice and decency require we should on this occasion bestow on 
them an honorable remembrance. In this our country they kept 
themselves always firmly settled, and through their valor handed 
it down free to every since-succeeding generation. Worthy, in- 
deed, of praise are they, and yet more worthy are our immediate 
fathers, since, enlarging their own inheritance into the extensive 
empire which we now possess, they bequeathed that, their work 
of toil, to us their sons. Yet even these successes we ourselves 
here present, we who are yet in the strength and vigor of our 
days, have nobly improved, and have made such provisions for 
this our Athens that now it is all-su£5cient in itself to answer 
vni — 199 



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3170 PERICLES 

every exigence of war and of peace. I mean not here to recite 
those martial exploits by which these ends were accomplished, or 
the resolute defenses we ourselves and our fathers have made 
against the formidable invasions of barbarians and Greeks — your 
own knowledge of these will excuse the long detail. But by 
what methods we have risen to this height of glory and power, 
by what polity and by what conduct we are thus aggrandized, I 
shall first endeavor to show, and then proceed to the praise of 
the deceased. These, in my opinion, can be no impertinent topics 
on this occasion ; the discussion of them must be beneficial to this 
numerous company of Athenians and of strangers. 

We are happy in a form of government which cannot envy 
the laws of our neighbors, — iot it hath served as a model to 
others, but is original at Athens. And this our form, as com- 
mitted not to the few, but to the whole body of the people, is 
called a democracy. How different soever in a private capacity, 
we all enjoy the same general equality our laws are fitted to pre- 
serve; and superior honors just as we excel. The public admin- 
istration is not confined to a particular family, but is attainable 
only by merit. Poverty is not a hindrance, since whoever is able 
to serve his country meets with no obstacle to preferment from 
his first obscurity. The offices of the State we go through with- 
out obstructions from one another; and live together in the 
mutual endearments of private life without suspicions; not angry 
with a neighbor for following the bent of his own humor, nor 
putting on that countenance of discontent, which pains though it 
cannot punish — so that in private life we converse without diffi- 
dence or damage, while we dare not on any account offend 
against the public, through the reverence we bear to the magis- 
trates and the laws, chiefly to those enacted for redress of the 
injured, and to those unwritten, a breach of which is thought a 
disgrace. Our laws have further provided for the mind most fre- 
quent intermissions of care by the appointment of public recrea- 
tions and sacrifices throughout the year, elegantly performed 
with a peculiar pomp, the daily delight of which is a charm that 
puts melancholy to flight. The grandeur of this our Athens 
causeth the produce of the whole earth to be imported here, by 
which we reap a familiar enjoyment, not more of the delicacies 
of our own growth than of those of other nations. 

In the affairs of war we' excel those of our enemies, who ad- 
here to methods opposite to our own. For we lay open Athens 



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to general resort, nor ever drive any stranger from us whom 
either improvement or curiosity hath brought amongst us, lest 
any enemy should hurt us by seeing what is never concealed. 
We place not so great a confidence in the preparatives and arti- 
fices of war as in the native warmth of our souls impelling us to 
action. In point of education the youth of some peoples are in- 
ured, by a course of laborious exercise, to support toil and exercise 
like men, but we, notwithstanding our easy and elegant way of 
life, face all the dangers of war as intrepidly as they. This may 
be proved by facts, since the Lacedaemonians never invade our 
territories barely with their own, but with the united strength of 
all their confederates. But when we invade the dominions of our 
neighbors, for the most part we conquer without difficulty in an 
enemy's country those who fight in defense of their own habita- 
tions. The strength of our whole force no enemy yet hath ever 
experienced, because it is divided by our naval expeditions, or 
engaged in the different quarters of our service by land. But if 
an3rwhere they engage and defeat a small party of our forces, 
they boastingly give it out a total defeat; and if they are beat, 
they were certainly overpowered by our united strength. What 
though from a state of inactivity rather than laborious exercise, 
or with a natural rather than an acquired valor, we learn to en- 
counter danger? — this good, at least, we receive from it, that we 
never droop under the apprehension of possible misfortunes, and 
when we hazard the danger, are fotmd no less courageous than 
those who are continually inured to it. In these respects our whole 
community deserves justly to be admired, and in many we have 
yet to mention. 

In our manner of living we show an elegance tempered with 
frugality, and we cultivate philosophy without enervating the 
mind. We display our wealth in the season of beneficence, and 
not in the vanity of discourse. A confession of poverty is dis- 
grace to no man, no effort to avoid it is disg^ce indeed. There 
is visible in the same persons an attention to their own private 
concerns and those of the public; and in others engaged in the 
labors of life there is a competent skill in the affairs of govern- 
ment. For we are the only people who think him that does not 
meddle in state affairs, — not indolent, but good for nothing. And 
yet we pass the soundest judgments, and are quick at catching 
the right apprehensions of things, not thinking that words are 
prejudicial to actions, but rather the not being duly prepared by 



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^ J ^ 2 PERICLSS 

previous debate before we are obliged to proceed to execution. 
Herein consists our distinguishing excellence, that in the hour of 
action we show the greatest courage, and yet debate beforehand 
the expediency of our measures. The courage of others is the 
result of ignorance; deliberation makes them cowards. And those 
undoubtedly must be owned to have the greatest souls, who, most 
acutely sensible of the miseries of war and the sweets of peace, 
are not hence in the least deterred from facing danger. 

In acts of beneficence, further, we differ from the many. We 
preserve friends not by receiving, but by conferring, obligations. 
For he who does a kindness hath the advantage over him who, 
by the law of gratitude, becomes a debtor to his benefactor. The 
person obliged is compelled to act the more insipid part, con- 
scious that a return of kindness is merely a payment and not an 
obligation. And we alone are splendidly beneficent to others, 
not so much from interested motives, as for the credit of pure 
liberality. I shall sum up what yet remains by only adding that 
our Athens in general is the school of Greece; and that every 
single Athenian amongst us is excellently formed, by his per- 
sonal qualification, for all the various scenes of active life, acting 
with a most graceful demeanor and a most ready habit of de- 
spatch. 

That I have not on this occasion made use of a pomp of 
words, but the truth of facts, that height to whicl^ by such a con- 
duct this State hath risen, is an undeniable proof. For we are 
now the only people of the world who are found by experience 
to be greater than in report — the only people who, repelling the 
attacks of an invading enemy, exempts their defeat from the 
blush of indignation, and to their tributaries yields no discontent, 
as if subject to men unworthy to command. That we deserve 
our power, we need no evidence to manifest. We have great 
and signal proofs of this, which entitle us to the admiration of 
the present and future ages. We want no Homer to be the her- 
ald of our praise; no poet to deck off a history with the charms 
of verse, where the opinion of exploits must suffer by a strict 
relation. Every sea hath been opened by our fleets, and every 
land hath been penetrated by our armies, which have everywhere 
left behind them eternal monuments of our enmity and our friend- 
ship. 

In the just defense of such a State, these victims of their own 
valor, scorning the ruin threatened to it, have valiantly fought 



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and bravely died. And every one of those who survive is ready, 
I am persuaded, to sacrifice life in such a cause. And for this 
reason have I enlarged so much on national points, to give the 
clearest proof that in the present war we have more at stake 
than men whose public advantages are not so valuable, and to 
illustrate, by actual evidence, how great a commendation is due 
to them who are now my subject, and the greatest part of which 
they have already received. For the encomiums with which I 
have celebrated the State have been earned for it by the bravery 
of these, and of men like these. And such compliments might 
be thought too high and exaggerated, if passed on any Grecians 
but them alone. The fatal period to which these gallant souls 
are now reduced is the surest evidence of their merit — an evi- 
dence begun in their lives and completed in their deaths. For 
it is a debt of justice to pay superior honors to men who have 
devoted their lives in fighting for their country, though inferior 
to others in every virtue but that of valor. Their last service 
effaceth all former demerits, — it extends to the public; their 
private demeanors reached only to a few. Yet not one of these 
was at all induced to shrink from danger, through fondness of 
those delights which the peaceful affluent life bestows, — not one 
was the less lavish of his life, through that flattering hope at- 
tendant upon want, that poverty at length might be exchanged 
for affluence. One passion there was in their minds much 
stronger than these, — the desire of vengeance on their enemies. 
Regarding this as the most honorable prize of dangers, they 
boldly rushed towards the mark, to glut revenge, and then to sat- 
isfy those secondary passions. The uncertain event, they had al- 
ready secured in hope; what their eyes showed plainly must be 
done, they trusted their own valor to accomplish, thinking it 
more glorious to defend themselves and die in the attempt than 
to yield and live. From the reproach of cowardice, indeed, they 
fled, but presented their bodies to the shock of battle; when, in- 
sensible of fear, but triumphing in hope, in the doubtful charge 
they instantly dropped — and thus discharged the duty which 
brave men owe to their country. 

As for you, who now survive them, it is your business to pray 
for a better fate, but to think it your duty also to preserve 
the same spirit and warmth of courage against your enemies; 
not judging of the expediency of this from a mere harangue, — 
where any man indulging a flow of words may tell you, what 



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3174 PERICLES 

you yourselves know as well as he, how many advantages there 
are in fighting valiantly against your enemies, — but, rather, mak- 
ing the daily-increasing grandeur of this community the object 
of your thoughts, and growing quite enamored of it And when 
it really appears great to your apprehensions, think again that 
this grandeur was acquired by brave and valiant men; by men 
who knew their duty, and in the moments of action were sensi- 
ble of shame; who, whenever their attempts were imsuccessful, 
thought it dishonor their cotmtry shotdd stand in need of any- 
thing their valor could do for it, and so made it the most glori- 
ous present. Bestowing thus their lives on the public, they have 
every one received a praise that will never decay, a sepulchre 
that win always be most illustrious — not that in which their 
bones lie moldering, but that in which their frame is preserved, 
to be on every occasion, when honor is the employ of either 
word or act, eternally remembered. This whole earth is the sep- 
ulchre of illustrious men; nor is it the inscription on the columns 
in their native soil alone that shows their merit, but the memorial 
of them, better than all inscriptions, in every foreign nation, re- 
posited more durably in universal remembrance than on their 
own tombs. From this very moment, emulating these noble pat- 
terns, placing your happiness in liberty, and liberty in valor, be 
prepared to encounter all the dangers of war. For to be lavish 
of life is not so noble in those whom misfortunes have reduced 
to misery and despair, as in men who hazard the loss of a com- 
fortable subsistence, and the enjojrment of all the blessings this 
world affords, by an unsuccessful enterprise. Adversity, after a 
series of ease and affluence, sinks deeper into the heart of a man 
of spirit than the stroke of death insensibly received in the vigor 
of life and public hope. 

For this reason, the parents of those who are now gone, who- 
ever of them may be attending here, I do not bewail, — I shall 
rather comfort. It is well known to what unhappy accidents 
they were liable from the moment of their birth; and that hap- 
piness belongs to men who have reached the most glorious period 
of life, as these now have who are to you the source of sorrow, 
— these, whose life hath received its ample measure, happy in its 
continuance, and equally happy in its conclusion. I know it in 
truth a difficult task to fix comfort inUhose breasts which will 
have frequent remembrances, in seeing the happiness of others, of 
what they once themselves enjoyed. And sorrow flows not from 



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the absence of those good things we have never yet experienced, 
but from the loss of those to which we have been accustomed. 
They who are not yet by age exempted from issue should be 
comforted in the hope of having more. The children yet to be 
bom will be a private benefit to some, in causing them to forget 
such as no longer are, and will be a double benefit to their country 
in preventing its desolation and providing for its security. For 
those persons cannot in common justice be regarded as members 
of equal value to the public, who have no children to expose to 
danger for its safety. But you, whose age is already far ad- 
vanced, compute the greater share of happiness your longer time 
hath afforded for so much gain, persuaded in yourselves the re- 
mainder will be but short, and enlighten that space by the glory 
gained by these. It is greatness of soul alone that never grows 
old; nor is it wealth that delights in the latter stage of life, as 
some give out, so much as honor. 

To you, the sons and brothers of the deceased, whatever num- 
ber of you are here, a field of hardy contention is opened. For 
him who no longer is, every one is ready to commend, so that to 
whatever height you push your deserts, you will scarce ever be 
thought to equal, but to be somewhat inferior to these. Envy 
will exert itself against a competitor, while life remains; but 
when death stops the competition, affection will applaud without 
restraint. 

If after this it be expected from me to say anything to you 
who are now reduced to a state of widowhood, about female vir- 
tue, I shall express it all in one short admonition : It is your great- 
est glory not to be deficient in the virtue peculiar to your sex, 
and to give men as little handle as possible to talk of your be- 
havior, whether well or ill. 

I have now discharged the province allotted me by the laws, 
and said what I thought most pertinent to this assembly. Our 
departed friends have by facts been already honored. Their 
children from this day till they arrive at manhood shall be edu- 
cated at the public expense of the State which hath appointed so 
beneficial a meed for these and all future relics of the public 
contests. For wherever the greatest rewards are proposed for 
virtue, there the best of patriots are ever to be found. Now let 
every one respectively indulge becoming grief for his departed 
friends, and then retire. 



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CHARLES PHILLIPS 

(c. 1 787-1859) 

^HARLES Phillips, one of O'ConneU's most effective support- 
ers in the agitation for Catholic emancipation, was bom 
at Sligo in 1787. After his graduation at Trinity College, 
Dublin, he made a great reputation at the Irish bar and followed 
it up by going to London, where he increased it by his speeches in 
criminal cases. He became the leader of the ^Old Bailey Bar,' and 
Christopher North said he was * worth a dozen Shiels.* Lord Broug- 
ham made him Commissioner of the Bankruptcy Court at Liverpool, 
and he was afterwards Commissioner of the Insolvent Debtors' Court 
of London. He died February ist, 1859. 



THE DINAS ISLAND SPEECH ON WASHINGTON 

(Delivered at a Dinner Given on Dinas Island, in Lake Killamey, on Mr. 
Phillips's Health Being Given, Together with that of Mr. Pa3me, a Young 
American) 

IT IS not with the vain hope of returning by words the kind- 
nesses which have been literally showered on me during the 
short period of our acquaintance that I now interrupt, for a 
moment, the flow of your festivity. Indeed, it is not necessary; 
an Irishman needs no requital for his hospitality; its generous 
impulse is the instinct of his nature, and the very consciousness 
of the act carries its recompense along with it. But, sir, there 
are sensations excited by an allusion in your toast, under the in- 
fluence of which silence would be impossible. To be associated 
with Mr. Pa3me must be, to any one who regards private virtues 
and personal accomplishments, a source of peculiar pride; and 
that feeling is not a little enhanced in me by a recollection of 
the country to which we are indebted for his qualifications. In- 
deed, the mention of America has never failed to fill me with 
the most lively emotions. In my earliest infancy, that tender 
season when impressions, at once the most permanent and the 
most powerful, are likely to be excited, the story of her then 



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CHARLES PHILLIPS 31 yy 

recent struggle raised a throb in every heart that loved liberty, 
and wrung a reluctant tribute even from discomfited oppression. 
I saw her spuming alike the luxuries that would enervate, and 
the legions that would intimidate; dashing from her lips the 
poisoned cup of European servitude, and, through all the vicissi- 
tudes of her protracted conflict, displajring a magnanimity that 
defied misfortune, and a moderation that gave new grace to vic- 
tory. It was the first vision of my childhood; it will descend 
with me to the grave. But if , as a man, I venerate the men- 
tion of America, what must be my feelings towards her as an 
Irishman! Never, oh, never! while memory remains, can Ireland 
forget the home of her emigrant and the asylum of her exile. 
No matter whether their sorrows sprung from the errors of en- 
thusiasm or the realities of suffering, — from fancy or infliction, 
that must be reserved for the scrutiny of those whom the lapse 
of time shall acquit of partiality. It is for the men of other 
ages to investigate and record it; but surely it is for the men of 
every age to hail the hospitality that received the shelterless, and 
love the feeling that befriended the unfortunate. Search creation 
round; where can you find a country that presents so sublime a 
view, so interesting an anticipation? What noble institutions! 
What a comprehensive policy! What a wise equalization of every 
political advantage! The oppressed of all countries, the martyrs 
of every creed, the innocent victim of despotic arrogance or su- 
perstitious frenzy, may there find refuge; his industry encouraged, 
his piety respected, his ambition animated; with no restraint but 
those laws which are the same to all, and no distinction but that 
which his merit may originate. Who can deny that the existence 
of such a country presents a subject for human congratulation? 
Who can deny that its gigantic advancement offers a field for 
the most rational conjecture ? At the end of the very next cen- 
tury, if she proceeds as she seems to promise, what a wondrous 
spectacle may she not exhibit! Who shall say for what purpose 
a mysterious Providence may not have designed her ? Who shall 
say that when in its follies or its crimes the Old World may have 
interred all the pride of its power, and all the pomp of its civil- 
ization, human nature may not find its destined renovation in the 
New? For myself, I have no doubt of it. I have not the least 
doubt that when our temples and our trophies shall have mold- 
ered into dust, — when the glories of our name shall be but the 
legend of tradition, and the light of our achievements only live 



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in song, philosophy will rise again in the sky of her Franklin, 
and glory rekindle at the urn of her Washington. Is this the 
vision of romantic fancy? Is it even improbable? Is it half so 
improbable as the events, which, for the last twenty years have 
rolled like successive tides over the surface of the European 
world, each erasing the impressions that preceded it ? Thousands 
upon thousands, sir, I know there are, who will consider this 
supposition as wild and whimsical; but they have dwelt with 
little reflection upon the records of the i)ast. They have but ill 
observed the never-ceasing progress of national rise and national 
ruin. They form their judgment on the deceitful stability of the 
present hour, never considering the inmmierable monarchies and 
republics in former days, apparently as permanent, their very 
existence become now the subjects of speculation, — I had almost 
said of skepticism. I appeal to history! Tell me, thou reverend 
chronicler of the grave, Can all the illusions of ambition realized, 
can all the wealth of a universal commerce, can all the achieve- 
ments of successful heroism, or all the establishments of this 
world's wisdom, secure to empire the permanency of its posses- 
sions? Alas! Troy thought so once; yet the land of Priam lives 
only in song! Thebes thought so once; yet her hundred gates 
have crumbled, and her very tombs are but as the dust they 
were vainly intended to commemorate! So thought Palmjrra — 
where is she? So thought Persepolis, and now — 

•Yon waste, where roaming lions howl. 
Yon aisle, where moans the gray-eyed owl, 
Shows the proud Persian's great abode. 
Where sceptred once, an earthly god. 
His power-clad arm controlled each happier clime, 
Where sports the warbling muse, and fancy soars sublime.' 

So thought the countries of Demosthenes and the Spartan, yet 
Leonidas's is trampled by the timid slave, and Athens insulted 
by the servile, mindless, and enervate Ottoman! In his hurried 
march. Time has but looked at their imagined immortality; and 
all its vanities, from the palace to the tomb, have, with their 
ruins, erased the very impression of his footsteps! The days of 
their glory are as if they had never been; and the island that 
was then a speck, rude and neglected in the barren ocean, now 
rivals the ubiquity of their commerce, the glory of their arms, 



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CHARLES PHILLIPS 3iy^ 

the fame of their philosophy, the eloquence of their senate, and 
the inspiration of their bards! Who shall say, then, contemplat- 
ing the past, that England, proud and potent as she appears, may 
not one day be what Athens is, and the young America yet soar 
to be what Athens was! Who shall say, when the European 
column shall have moldered, and the night of barbarism ob- 
scured its very ruins, that that mighty continent may not emerge 
from the horizon, to rule, for its time, sovereign of the ascend- 
ant! 

Such, sir, is the natural progress of human operations, and 
such the unsubstantial mockery of human pride. But I should, 
perhaps, apologize for this digression. The tombs are, at best, a 
sad, although an instructive, subject. At all events, they are ill 
suited to such an hour as this. I shall endeavor to atone for it, 
by turning to a theme which tombs cannot inum, or revolution 
alter. It is the custom of your board, and a noble one it is, to 
deck the cup of the gay with the garland of the great; and surely, 
even in the eyes of its deity, his grape is not the less lovely 
when glowing beneath the foliage of the palm tree and the myr- 
tle. Allow me to add one flower to the chaplet, which, though 
it sprang in America, is no exotic. Virtue planted it, and it is 
naturalized everywhere. I see you anticipate me — I see you 
concur with me, that it matters very little what immediate spot 
may be the birthplace of such a man as Washington. No peo- 
ple can claim, no country can appropriate him; the boon of 
Providence to the human race, his fame is eternity and his resi- 
dence creation. Though it was the defeat of our arms, and the 
disgrace of our policy, I almost bless the convulsion in which he 
had his origin. If the heavens thundered and the earth rocked, 
yet, when the storm passed, how pure was the climate that it 
cleared; how bright in the brow of the firmament was the planet 
which it revealed to us! In the production of Washington, it 
does really appear as if nature were endeavoring to improve upon 
herself, and that all the virtues of the ancient world were but so 
many studies preparatory to the patriot of the new. Individual 
instances no doubt there were; splendid exemplifications of some 
single qualification. Caesar was merciful, Scipio was continent, 
Hannibal was patient; but it was reserved for Washington to 
blend them all in one, and, like the lovely chef d'ceuvre of the 
Grecian artist, to exhibit in one glow of associated beauty the 
pride of every model and the perfection of every master. As 



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a general, he marshaled the peasant into a veteran, and supplied 
by discipline the absence of experience; as a statesman, he en- 
larged the policy of the cabinet into the most comprehensive 
system of general advantage; and such was the wisdom of his 
views, and the philosophy of his counsels, that to the soldier 
and the statesman he almost added the character of the sage! 
A conqueror, he was untainted with the crime of blood; a revo- 
lutionist, he was free from any stain of treason; for aggression 
commenced the contest, and his country called him to the com- 
mand. Liberty unsheathed his sword, necessity stained, victory 
returned it. If he had paused here, history might have doubted 
what station to assign him, whether at the head of her citizens 
or her soldiers, her heroes or her patriots. But the last glorious 
act crowns his career and banishes all hesitation. Who, like 
Washington, after having emancipated a hemisphere, resigned its 
crown, and preferred the retirement of domestic life to the ador- 
ation of a land he might be almost said to have created ? 

•How shall we rank thee upon glory's page. 
Thou more than soldier, and just less than sage? 
All thou hast been reflects less fame on thee. 
Far less than all thou hast forborne to be!'^ 

Such, sir, is the testimony of one not to be accused of par- 
tiality in his estimate of America. Happy, proud America! the 
lightnings of heaven yielded to your philosophy! The tempta- 
tions of earth could not seduce your patriotism! 

I have the honor, sir, of proposing to you as a toast, 

•The immortal memory of Greorge Washington.* 



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WENDELL PHILLIPS 

(1811-1884) 

Jt is said that when Wendell Phillips began the delivery of 
one of those speeches which often so completely controlled 
what at the beginning had been unfriendly audiences, he 
disappointed all expectations of eloquence by his manner. ^Yon are 
looking for a man who is all art and thunder,^ writes one of his 
critics; •Lo, a quiet man glides on the platform and begins talking 
in a simple, easy, conversational way. Presently he makes you smile 
at some happy turn, then he startles you by a rapier-like thrust, — 
then electrifies you by a grand outburst of feeling! You listen, be- 
lieve, applaud. And that is Wendell Phillips. That also is oratory, 
— to produce the greatest effects by the simplest means. >^ 

Phillips, the most talented of the Abolition orators, was born in 
Boston, November 29th, 181 1. Educated at Harvard, he began the 
practice of law in 1834, but his reputation is based entirely on his 
work as an orator and agitator. From 1837 until 1861 his great ability 
and remarkable eloquence operated to accentuate the forces which 
rendered compromise ineffectual and civil war inevitable. After the 
close of the war he advocated Woman Suffrage and various labor 
reforms. In 1870 the Labor Party and Prohibitionists nominated him 
as their candidate for Governor of Massachusetts, but, though gen- 
erally admired for his brilliancy, he was not elected. He died Feb- 
ruary 2d, 1884. 



JOHN BROWN AND THE SPIRIT OF FIFTY-NINE 
(Delivered in Plymotith Church, Brooklyn, New York, in November 1859) 

1 BELIEVE in moral suasion. I believe the age of bullets is over. 
I believe the age of ideas is come. I think that is the preach- 
ing of our country. The old Hindoo dreamed, you know, that 
he saw the human race led out to its varied forttme. First, he 
saw men bitted and curbed, and the reins went back to an iron 
hand. But his dream changed on and on, until at last he saw 
men led by reins that came from the brain, and went back into 



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an unseen hand. It was the type of governments: the first a 
government of despotism, palpable iron; and the last our govern- 
ment, — a government of brains, a government of ideas. I believe 
in it — in public opinion. 

Yet, let me say, in passing, that I think you can make a bet- 
ter use of iron than forging it into chains. If you must have 
the metal, put it into Sharpens rifles. It is a great deal better 
used that way than in fetters — a great deal better used than in 
a clumsy statue of a mock great man, for hypocrites to kneel 
down and worship in a Statehouse yard. [Hisses.] I am so un- 
used to hisses lately that I have forgotten what I had to say. 
I only know I meant what I did say. 

My idea is, public opinion, literature, education, as governing 
elements. 

But some men seem to think that our institutions are neces- 
sarily safe because we have free schools and cheap books and a 
public opinion that controls. But that is no evidence of safety. 
India and China have had schools, and a school system almost 
identical with that of Massachusetts, for fifteen hundred years. 
And books are as cheap in central and northern Asia as they 
are in New York. But they have not secured liberty, nor se- 
cured a controlling public opinion to either nation. Spain for 
three centuries had municipalities and town governments, as in- 
dependent and self-supporting, and as representative of thought 
as New England or New York has. But that did not save 
Spain. De Tocqueville says that fifty years before the great 
revolution, public opinion was as omnipotent in Prance as it is 
to-day, but it did not save France. You cannot save men by 
machinery. What India and Prance and Spain wanted was live 
men, and that is what we want to-day; men who are willing to 
look their own destiny and their own functions and their own 
responsibilities in the face. •Grant me to see, and Ajax wants 
no more,'* was the prayer the great poet put into the lips of his 
hero in the darkness that overspread the Grecian camp. All we 
want of American citizens is the opening of their own eyes, and 
seeing things as they are. To the intelligent, thoughtful, and de- 
termined gaze of twenty millions of Christian people there is 
nothing — no institution wicked and powerful enough to be capable 
of standing against it. In Keats's beautiful poem of ^ Lamia,* a 
young man had been led captive by a phantom girl, and was 
the slave of her beauty until the old teacher came in and fixed 



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3183 



his thoughtful eye upon the figure, and it vanished, and the pupil 
started up himself again! 

You see the great Commonwealth of Virginia fitly represented 
by a pyramid standing upon its apex. A Connecticut-bom man 
entered at one comer of her dominions, and fixed his cold gray 
eye upon the government of Virginia, and it almost vanished in 
his very gaze. For it seems that Virginia asked leave * to be '^ of 
John Brown at Harper's Ferry. Connecticut has sent out many a 
schoolmaster to the other thirty States; but never before so 
grand a teacher as that Litchfield-bom schoolmaster at Harper's 
Ferry, writing upon the Natural Bridge in the face of nations his 
simple copy: *^ Resistance to tyrants is obedience to God.* 

I said that the lesson of the hour was insurrection. I ought 
not to apply that word to John Brown, of Ossawatomie, for there 
was no insurrection in his case. It is a g^eat mistake to call him 
an insurgent. This principle that I have endeavored so briefly 
to open to you, of absolute right and wrong, states what? Just 
this: * Commonwealth of Virginia!* There is no such thing. 
No civil society, no government can exist, except on the basis 
of the willing submission of all its citizens, and by the perform- 
ance of the duty of rendering equal justice between man and 
man. 

Everything that calls itself a government, and refuses that 
duty, or has not that assent, is no government. It is only a 
pirate ship. Virginia, the Commonwealth of Virginia! She is 
only a chronic insurrection. I mean exactly what I say. I am 
weighing my words now. She is a pirate ship, and John Brown 
sails the sea a Lord High Admiral of the Almighty, with his 
commission to sink every pirate he meets on God's ocean of the 
nineteenth century. I mean literally and exactly what I say. In 
God's world there are no majorities, no minorities; one, on God's 
side, is a majority. You have often heard that here, doubtless, 
and I need not tell you its ground in morals. The rights of that 
one man are as sacred as those of the miscalled Commonwealth 
of Virginia. Virginia is only another Algiers. The barbarous 
horde who gag each other, imprison women for teaching children 
to read, prohibit the Bible, sell men on the auction blocks, abolish 
marriage, condemn half their women to prostitution, and devote 
themselves to the breeding of human beings for sale, is only a 
larger and blacker Algiers. The only prayer of a true man for 
such is: * Gracious heaven! unless they repent, send soon their 



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Exmouth and Decatur.* John Brown has twice as much right to 
hang Governor Wise as Governor Wise has to hang him. You 
see I am talking of that absolute essence of things that lives in 
the sight of the Eternal and the Infinite; not as men judge it in 
the rotten morals of the nineteenth century, among a herd of 
States that calls itself an empire, because it weaves cotton and 
sells slaves. What I say is this: Harper's Ferry was the only gov- 
ernment in that vicinity. Respecting the trial, Virginia, true to 
herself, has shown exactly the same haste that the pirate does 
when he tries a man on deck and runs him up to the yardarm. 
Unconsciously, she is consistent. Now, you do not think this to- 
day, some of you, perhaps. But I tell you what absolute history 
shall judge of these forms and phantoms of ours. John Brown 
began his life, his active life, in Kansas. The South planted 
that seed; it reaps the first fruit now. 

Twelve years ago the great men in Washington, the Websters 
and the Clays, planted the Mexican War; and they reaped their 
appropriate fruit in General Taylor and General Pierce push- 
ing them from their statesmen's stools. The South planted the 
seeds of violence in Kansas, and taught peaceful Northern men 
familiarity with bowie knife and revolver. They planted nine 
hundred and ninety-nine seeds, and this is the first one that has 
flowered; this is the first drop of the coming shower. People do 
me the honor to say, in some of the Western papers, that this 
is traceable to some teachings of mine. It is too much honor to 
such as I am. Gladly, if it were not fulsome vanity, would I 
clutch this laurel of having any share in the great resolute dar- 
ing of that man who flung himself against an empire in behalf of 
justice and liberty. They were not the bravest men who fought 
at Saratoga and Yorktown in the war of 1776. Oh, no! It was 
rather those who flung themselves, at Lexington, few and feeble, 
against the embattled ranks of an empire, till then thought irre- 
sistible. Elderly men in powdered wigs and red velvet smoothed 
their ruffles, and cried: ** Madmen!* Full-fed customhouse men 
said: *A pistol shot against Gibraltar!* But Captain Ingra- 
ham, under the Stars and Stripes, dictating terms to the fleet of 
the Caesars; was only the echo of that Lexington gun. Harper's 
Ferry is the Lexington of to-day. Up to this moment Brown's 
life has been one unmixed success. Prudence, skill, courage, thrift, 
knowledge of his time, knowledge of his opponents, undaunted 
daring in the face of the nation — he had all these. He was the 



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3185 



man who could leave Kansas, and go into Missouri, and take 
eleven men and give them liberty, and bring them off on the 
horses which he carried with him, — two of which he took as 
tribute from their masters, in order to facilitate escape. Then, 
when he had passed his human prot^g^s from the vulture of the 
United States to the safe shelter of the English lion, this is the 
brave, frank, and sublime truster in God's right and absolute jus- 
tice, that entered his name in the city of Cleveland, •John 
Brown, of Kansas,* and advertised there two horses for sale, and 
stood in front of the auctioneer's stand, notifying all bidders of 
the defect in the title. But he added with nonchalance, when he 
told the story: •They brought a very excellent price.* This is 
the man who, in the face of the nation, avowing his right, and 
endeavoring by what strength he had in behalf of the wronged, 
goes down to Harper's Ferry to follow up his work. Well, men 
say he failed. Every man has his Moscow. Suppose he did fail, 
'— every man meets his Waterloo at last. There are two kinds of 
defeat. Whether in chains or in laurels, Liberty knows nothing 
but victories. Bunker Hill, soldiers call a defeat! But Liberty 
dates from it, though Warren lay dead on the field. Men say 
the attempt did not succeed. No man can command success. 
Whether it was well planned, and deserved to succeed, we shall 
be able to decide when Brown is free to tell us all he knows. 
Suppose he did fail, he has done a great deal still. Why, this is 
a decent country to live in now. Actually, in this Sodom of ours, 
seventeen men have been found ready to die for an idea. God 
be thanked for John Brown, that he has discovered or created 
them. I should feel some pride if I were in Europe now in con- 
fessing that I was an American. We have redeemed the long 
infamy of twenty years of subservience. But look back a bit. Is 
there anything new about this ? Nothing at all. It is the natural 
result of antislavery teaching. For one, I accept it; I expected 
it. I cannot say that I prayed for it; I cannot say that I hoped 
for it; but at the same time no sane man has looked upon this 
matter for twenty years and supposed that we could go through 
this great moral convulsion, the great classes of society clashing 
and jostling against each other like frigates in a storm, and that 
there would not be such scenes as these. 

Why, in 1835 ^^ was the other way. , Then it was my bull 
that gored your ox. Their ideas came in conflict, and men of 
violence, and men who had not made up their minds to wait for 
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the slow conversion of conscience, men who trusted in their own 
right hands, men who believed in bowie knives — why, such sacked 
the city of Philadelphia, such made New York to be governed by 
a mob; Boston saw its mayor suppliant and kneeling to the chief 
of broadcloth in broad daylight. It was all on that side. The 
natural result, the first result of this starting of ideas, is like peo- 
ple who get half-awaked and use the first weapons that appear to 
them. The first developing and unfolding of national life were 
the mobs of 1835. People said it served us right; we had no 
right to the luxury of speaking our own minds; it was too ex- 
pensive; these lavish, luxurious persons walking about here and 
actually saying what they think! Why, it was like speaking 
aloud in the midst of avalanches. To say ^Liberty* in a loud 
tone, the Constitution of 1789 might come down — it would not 
do. But now things have changed. We have been talking thirty 
years. Twenty years we have talked everjrwhere, under aU cir- 
cumstances; we have been mobbed out of great cities and pelted 
out of little ones; we have been abused by great men and by 
little papers. What is the result? The tables have been turned; 
it is your bull that has gored my ox, now. And men that still 
believe in violence, the five points of whose faith are the fist, the 
bowie knife, fire, poison, and the pistol, are ranged on the side of 
Liberty, and, unwilling to wait for the slow but sure steps of 
thought, lay on God's altar the best they have. You cannot ex- 
pect to put a real Puritan Presbyterian, as John Brown is, — a 
regular Cromwellian dug up from two centuries ago, — in the 
midst of our New Bngland civilization, that dares not say its soul 
is its own, nor proclaim that it is wrong to sell a man at auc- 
tion, and not have him show himself as he is. Put a hound in 
the presence of a deer, and he springs at his throat if he is a 
true bloodhound. Put a Christian in the presence of sin, and he 
will spring at its throat if he is a true Christian. And so into 
an acid we might throw white matter, but unless it is chalk it 
will not produce agitation. So if in a world of sinners you were 
to put American Christianity, it would be calm as oil; but put 
one Christian like John Brown, of Ossawatomie, and he makes 
the whole crystallize into right and wrong, and marshal them- 
selves on one side or the other. And God makes him the text, 
and all he asks of our comparatively cowardly lips is to preach 
the sermon and to say to the American people that, whether 
that old man succeeded in a worldly sense or not, he stood a 



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WENDELL PHILLIPS 3187 

representative of law, of government, of right, of justice, of re- 
ligion, and they were pirates that gathered around him and 
sought to wreak vengeance by taking his life. The banks of the 
Potomac are doubly dear now to history and to man! The dust 
of Washington rests there; and history will see forever on that 
riverside the brave old man on his pallet, whose dust, when God 
calls him hence, the Father of his Country would be proud to 
make room for beside his own. But if Virginia tjrrants dare 
hang him, after this mockery of a trial, it will take two more 
Washingtons at least to make the name of the State anything 
but abominable to the ages that come after. Well, I say what 
I reaUy think. George Washington was a great man. Yes, I say. 
what I really think. And I know, ladies and gentlemen, that, 
educated as you have been by the experience of the last ten 
years here, you would have thought me the silliest as well as 
the most cowardly man in the world if I should have come, with 
my twenty years behind me, and talked about anything else to- 
night except that great example which one man has set us on 
the banks of the Potomac. You expected, of course, that I should 
tell you my opinion of it. 

I value this element that Brown has introduced into American 
politics for another reason. The South is a great power. There 
are no cowards in Virginia, It was not cowardice. Now, I try 
to speak very plainly, but you will misunderstand me. There is 
no cowardice in Virginia. The people of the South are not 
cowards. The lunatics in the Gospel were not cowards when 
they said: •Art thou come to torment us before the time?* 
They were brave enough, but they saw afar off. They saw the 
tremendous power that was entering into that charmed circle; 
they knew its inevitable victory. Virginia did not tremble at an 
old gray-headed man at Harper's Ferry; they trembled at a John 
Brown in every man's own conscience. He had been there many 
years, and, like that terrific scene which Beckford has drawn for 
us in his Hall of Eblis, where all ran round, each man with an 
incurable wound in his bosom, and agreed not to speak of it, so 
the South has been running up and down its political and social 
life, and every man keeps his right hand pressed on the secret 
and incurable sore, with an tmderstood agreement, in Church and 
State, that it never shall be mentioned for fear the great ghastly 
fabric shall come to pieces at the talismanic word. Brown uttered 
ity and the whole machinery trembled to its very base. 



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I value that moment. Did you ever see a blacksmith shoe a 
restless horse ? If you have, you have seen him take a small cord 
and tie the horse's upper lip. If you ask him what he does it for, 
he will tell you he does it to give the beast something to think 
of. Now, the South has extensive schemes. She grasps with 
one hand at Mexico, and with the other dictates terms to the 
Church. She imposes conditions on the United States. She buys 
up Webster with a little, and Everett with nothing. John Brown 
has given her something else to think of. He has turned her 
attention inwardly. He has taught her that there has been cre- 
ated a new element in this Northern mind; that it is not merely 
the thinker, that it is not merely the editor, that it is not merely 
the moral reformer, but the idea has pervaded all classes of so- 
ciety. Call them madmen, if you will. It is hard to tell who's 
mad. The world says one man is mad. John Brown said the 
same of the Governor. You remember the madman in Edin- 
burgh; a friend asked him what he was there for. *Well,' said 
he, * they said at home that I was mad, and I said I was not, but 
they had the majority.^ Just so it is in regard to John Brown. 
The nation says he is mad. I appeal from Philip drunk to Philip 
sober; I appeal from the American people drunk with cotton and 
the utterances of the New York Observer to the American people 
fifty years hence, when the light of civilization has had more 
time to penetrate; when self-interest has been rebuked by the 
world rising and giving its verdict on these great questions; 
when it is not a small band of Abolitionists, but the civilization 
of the nineteenth century, that undertakes to enter the arena and 
discuss its last great reform. When that day comes, what shall 
be thought of these first martyrs who teadi us how to live and 
how to die? 

Suppose John Brown had not stayed at Harper's Ferry. Sup- 
pose on that momentous Monday night, when the excited imag- 
inations of two thousand Charleston people had enlarged him and 
his little band into four hundred white men and two hundred 
blacks, he had vanished, and when the gallant troops arrived 
there, two thousand strong, they had found nobody! The moun- 
tains would have been peopled with enemies; the AUeghanies 
would have heaved with insurrection. You never would have 
convinced Virginia that all Pennsylvania was not armed and on 
the hills. Virginia has not slept soundly since Nat Turner had 
an insurrection in 1831, and she bids fair never to have a nap 



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WENDELL PHILLIPS 



3189 



HOW* For this is not an insurrection; this is the penetration of 
a different element. Mark you, it is not the oppressed race ris- 
ing. Recollect history. There never was a race held in chains 
that absolutely vindicated its own liberty, but one. There never 
was a serf nor a slave whose own sword cut off his own chain, 
but one. Blue-eyed, light-haired Anglo-Saxons, it was not our 
race. We were serfs for three centuries, and we waited till com- 
merce and Christianity and a different law had melted our fet- 
ters. We were crowded down into a villenage which crushed out 
our manhood so thoroughly that we hadn't vigor enough to re- 
deem ourselves. Neither did France, neither did Spain, neither 
did the Northern nor the Southern races of Europe have that 
bright spot on their escutcheon, — that they put an end to their 
slavery. Blue-eyed, haughty, contemptuous Anglo-Saxons, it was 
the black, — the only race in the record of history that ever, after 
a century of oppression, retained the vigor to write the charter of 
its emancipation with its own hand in the blood of the dominant 
race. Despised, culumniated, slandered San Domingo is the only 
instance in history where a race, with indestructible love of jus- 
tice, serving a hundred years of oppression, rose up under their 
own leader and with their own hands abolished slavery on their 
own soil. Wait, garrulous, vainglorious, boasting Saxon, till we 
have done as much before we talk of the cowardice of the black 
race. 

The slaves of our country have not risen; but, as in all other 
cases, redemption will come from the interference of a wiser, 
higher, more advanced civilization on its exterior. It is the uni- 
versal record of history, and ours is the repetition of the same 
scene in the drama. We have awakened at last the enthusiasm 
of both classes — those that act from impulse and those that act 
from calculation. It is a libel on the Yankee to assert that it 
includes the whole race, when you say that if you put a dollar 
on the other side of hell, the Yankee will spring for it at any 
risk; for there is an element even in Yankee blood that obeys 
ideas — there is an impulsive, enthusiastic aspiration — something 
left to us from the old Puritan stock — that which made Bngland 
what she was two centuries ago — that which is fated to give the 
closest grapple with the slave power to-day. This is an invasion 
by outside power. Civilization in 1600 crept along our shores, 
now planting her foot, then retreating — now gaining a foothold, 
and dien receding before barbarism — till at last came Jamestown 



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^ipo WBNDBLL PHILLIPS 

and Pl3anotith, then thirty States. Harper's Perry is, perhaps, one 
of Raleigh's or Goswold's colonies, vanishing and to be swept 
away. Bye and bye will come the immortal One Hundred and 
Pl3rmouth Rock, with ^ Manifest Destiny ' written by God's hand 
on their banner, and the right of unlimited ^Annexation * granted 
by heaven itself. 

It is the lesson of the age. The first cropping out of it is in 
such a man as John Brown. He did not measure his means; 
he was not thrifty as to his method; he did not calculate closely 
enough, and he was defeated. What is defeat? Nothing but 
education — nothing but the first step to something better. All 
that is wanted is that this public opinion shall not creep around 
like a servile coward, and unbought, but corrupt, disordered, in- 
sane public opinion proclaim that Governor Wise, because he 
says he is a Governor, is a Governor, that Virginia is a State 
because she says so. 

Thank God I am not a citizen. You will remember, all of 
you, citizens of the United States, that there was not a Virginia 
gun fired at John Brown. Hundreds of well-armed Maryland and 
Virginia troops that went there never dared to pull a trigger. 
You shot him! Sixteen marines, to whom you pay eight dollars 
a month — your own representatives! When the disturbed State 
could not stand on her own legs for trembling, you went there 
and strengthened the feeble knees and held up the palsied hand. 
Sixteen men with the vulture of the Union above them — your 
representatives! It was the covenant with death and agreement 
with hell, which you call the Union of thirty States, that took 
the old man by the throat with a pirate hand; and it will be the 
disgfrace of our civilization if a gallows is ever erected in Vir- 
ginia that bears his body. •The most resolute man I ever saw,* 
says Governor Wise, •the most daring, the coolest. I would trust 
his truth about any question.* The sincerest! Sincerity, courage, 
resolute daring! Virginia has nothing, nothing for those qualities 
but a scafiEold! In her broad dominion she can only afford him 
•six feet for a grave! God help the Commonweath that bids such 
welcome to the noblest qualities that can grace poor human nat- 
ure! Yet that is the acknowledgment of Governor Wise himself. 

They say it costs the officers and persons in responsible posi- 
tions more effort to keep hundreds of startled soldiers from shoot- 
ing the five prisoners sixteen marines had made than it cost 
those marines to take the armory itself. Soldiers and civilians — 



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WBNDBLL PHILLIPS jipx 

both alike — only a mob fancying itself a government! And mark 
yon, I have said they were not a government. They not only 
are not a government, but they have not even the remotest idea 
of what a government is. They do not begin to have the faint- 
est conception of what a civilized government is. Here is a man 
arraigned before a jury, or about to be. The State of Virginia, 
as she calls herself, is about to try him. The first step in that 
trial is a jury; the second is a judge; and at the head stands 
the Chief Executive of the State, who is to put his hand to the 
death warrant before it can be executed; and yet that very Exec- 
utive, who, according to the principles of the sublimest chapter 
in Algernon Sidney's immortal book, is bound by the very re- 
sponsibility that rests on him to keep his mind impartial as to 
the guilt of the person arraigned, hastens down to Richmond, 
hurries down to the platform, and proclaims to the assembled 
Commonwealth of Virginia: •The man is a murderer and ought 
to be hanged.* Almost every lip in the State might have said it, 
except that single lip of its Governor; and the moment he had 
uttered these words, in the theory of the English law, it was not 
possible to impanel an impartial jury in the Commonwealth of 
Virginia; it was not possible to get the materials and the ma- 
chinery to try him according to even the ugliest pattern of Eng- 
lish jurisprudence. And yet the Grovemor does not know that 
he has written himself down a non compos/ And the Common- 
wealth that he governs supposes that it is still a Christian polity! 
They have not the faintest conception of what goes to make up 
government The worst Jeffries that ever, in his most drunken 
hour, climbed up a lamp-post in the streets of London would 
not have tried a man who could not stand on his feet. There is 
no such record in the blackest roll of tyranny. If Jeffries could 
speak, he would thank God that at last his name might be taken 
down from the gibbet of history, since the Virginia bench has 
made his worst act white, set against the blackness of this mod- 
em infamy. And yet the New York press daily prints the ac- 
counts of the trial. Trial! The inquisition used to break every 
other bone in a man's body, and then lay him on a pallet, giv- 
ing him neither counsel nor opportunity to consult one, and then 
wring from his tortured mouth something like a confession, and 
call it a trial ! But it was heaven-robed innocence compared with 
the trial, or what the New York press call so, that has been go- 
ing on in startled, frightened Charleston. I speak what I know, 



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2 1 93 WENDELL PHILLIPS 

and I speak what is but the breath and whisper of the stimmer 
breezes compared with the tornado of rebuke that will come back 
from the press of Great Britain, when they hear that we affect 
to call that a jury trial, and blacken the names of judge and 
jury by baptizing these pirate orgies with such honorable api>el- 
lations. 

I wish I could say anything worthy of the great deed which 
has taken place in our day, — the opening of the sixth seal, the 
pouring out of the last vial but one on a corrupt and giant in- 
stitution. I know that many men will deem me a fanatic for 
uttering this wholesale vituperation, as it will be called, upon a 
State, and this indorsement of a madman. I can only say that 
I have spoken on this antislavery question before the American 
people twenty years; that I have seen the day when this same 
phase of popular opinion was on the other side. You remember 
the first time I was ever privileged to stand on this platform by 
the magnanimous generosity of your clergymen, when New York 
was about to bully and crush out the freedom of speech at the 
dictation of Captain Rynders. From that day to this, the same 
braving of public thought has been going on from here to Kansas, 
tmtil it bloomed in the events of the last three years. It has 
changed the whole face of the sentiment in these Northern States. 
You meet with the evidence of it everjrwhere. When the first 
news of Harper's Ferry came to Massachusetts, if you were riding 
in the cars, if you were walking in the streets, if you met a 
Democrat, or a Whig, or a Republican, no matter what his poU* 
tics, it was a singular circumstance that he did not speak of the 
guilt of Brown, of the atrocity of the deed, as you might have 
expected. The first impulsive expression, the first outbreak of 
every man's words was: •What a pity he did not succeed! What 
a fool he was for not going off Monday, when he had aU he 
wanted! How strange he did not take his victory and march 
away with it!^ It indicated the unconscious leavening of a sym- 
pathy with the attempt. Days followed on; they commenced 
what they called their trial; you met the same classes again; — 
no man said he ought to be hanged; no man said he was guilty; 
no man predicated anything of his moral position; — every man 
voluntarily and inevitably seemed to give vent to his indigna- 
tion at the farce of a trial, — indicative again of that unheeded, 
unconscious, potent^ but widespread sympathy on the side of 
Brown. 



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WBNDBLL PHILLIPS 3193 

Do you suppose that these things mean nothing? What the 
tender and poetic youth dreams to-day, and conjures up with in- 
articulate speech, is to-morrow the vociferated result of public 
opinion, and the day after is the charter of nations. The senti- 
ments we raise to intellect, and from intellect to character, the 
American people have begun to feel. The mute eloquence of the 
fugitive slave has gone up and down the highways and byways 
of the country; it will annex itself to the great American heart 
of the North, even in the most fossil state of its ^hunkerism,* as 
a latent sympathy with its right side. This blow, like the first 
blow at Lexington, heard around the world — this blow at Har- 
per's Ferry reveals men. Watch those about you, and you will 
see more of the temper and unheeded purpose and real moral 
position of men than you would imagine. This is the way na- 
tions are to be judged. Be not in a hurry; it will come soon 
enough from this sentiment We stereotype feeling into intellect, 
and then into statutes, and finally into national character. We 
have got the first stage of growth. Nature's live growths crowd 
out and rive dead matter. Ideas strangle statutes. Pulse-beats 
wear down granite, whether piled in jails, or capitols. The peo- 
ple's hearts are the only title deeds, after all. Your barnburners 
said: *Patroon titles are unrighteous!* Judges replied: •Such is 
the law.* Wealth shrieked: •Vested rights!* Parties talked of 
Constitutions — still the people said: •Sin!* They shot a sheriflE 
— a parrot press cried: •Anarchy!* Lawyers growled: •Mur- 
der!* Still, nobody was hanged, if I recollect aright. To-day the 
heart of the Barnburner beats in the statute book of your State. 
John Brown's movement against slavery is exactly the same. 
Wait awhile, and you'll all agree with me. What is fanaticism to- 
day is the fashionable creed to-morrow, and trite as the multipli- 
cation table a week after. 

John Brown has stirred omnipotent pulses — Lydia Maria 
Child's is one. She says: •That dungeon is the place for me,* 
and writes a letter in magnanimous appeal to the better nature of 
Governor Wise. She says in it: •John Brown is a hero; he has 
done a noble deed. I think he was all right; but he is sick; he 
is wounded; he wants a woman's nursing. I am an Abolitionist; 
I have been so thirty years. I think slavery is a sin, and John 
Brown a saint; but I want to come and nurse him; and I pledge 
my word that if you will open his prison door, I will' use the 
privilege, under sacred honor, only to nurse him. I inclose you 



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3194 WENDELL PHILLIPS 

a message to Brown; be sure and deliver it.^ And the message 
was: *01d man, Grod bless you! You have struck a noble blow; 
you have done a mighty work; God was with yon; your heart 
was in the right place. I send you across five hundred miles 
the pulse of a woman's gratitude.' And Governor Wise has 
opened the door, and announced to the world that she may go 
in. John Brown has conquered the pirate. Hope! there is hope 
everjrwhere. It is only the imiversal history: — 

* Right forever on the scaffold, Wrong forever on the throne; 
But that scaffold swa3r8 the future, and behind the dim unknown 
Standeth God within the shadow* keeping watch above his own.* 



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WILLIAM PINKNEY 

(1764-1832) 

liLUAif PiNKNEY, of Maryland* whose speech on the admission 
of Missouri, with a danse prohibiting slavery, contributed to 
bring abont the first Missouri Compromise, was bom at An- 
napolis, March 17th, 1764. Between 1806 and 1822 he was success- 
ively Minister to Great Britain, Attorney General of the United Sutes, 
Member of Congress, Minister to Naples, Minister to Russia, and 
United States Senator. He died February 25th, 1822. 



ON THE FIRST ISSUES OF CiyiL WAR 

(Exordium of the Speech Delivered in the United States Seoate, Pebmary 
X5th, 1820, on a Bill for the Admission of Missouri into the Union, with 
a Clause Prohibiting the Introduction of Slaves) 

As I am not a very frequent speaker in this assembly, and have 
shown a desire, I trusty rather to listen to the wisdom of 
others than to lay claim to superior knowledge by under- 
taking to advise, even when advice, by being seasonable in point 
of time, might have some chance of being profitable, you wiU, 
perhaps, bear with me if I venture to trouble you once more on 
that eternal subject which has lingered here, until all its natural 
interest is exhausted, and every topic connected with it is liter- 
ally worn to tatters. I shall, I assure you, sir, speak with laud- 
able brevity, not merely on account of the feeble state of my 
health, and from some reverence for the laws of good taste 
which forbid me to speak otherwise, but also from a sense of 
justice to those who honor me with their attention. My single 
purpose, as I suggested yesterday, is to subject to a friendly, yet 
close examination, some portions of a speech, imposing, certainly, 
on accotmt of the distinguished quarter from whence it came — not 
very imposing (if I may so say, without departing from that re- 
spect which I sincerely feel and intend to manifest for eminent 
abilities and long experience) for any other reason. 



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3196 



WILLIAM PINKNBY 



I believe, Mr. President, that I am about as likely to retract 
an opinion which I have formed as any member of this body, 
who, being a lover of truth, inquires after it with diligence be- 
fore he imagines that he has found it; but I suspect that we are 
all of us so constituted as that neither arg^ument nor declamation, 
leveled against recorded and published decision, can easily dis- 
cover a practicable avenue through which it may hope to reach 
either our heads or our hearts. I mention this, lest it may excite 
surprise when I take the liberty to add that the speech of the 
honorable gentleman from New York upon the great subject 
with which it was principally occupied has left me as great an 
infidel as it found me. It is possible, indeed, that if I had had 
the good forttme to hear that speech at an earlier stage of this 
debate, when all was fresh and new, although I feel confident 
that the analysis which it contained of the Constitution, illustrated 
as it was by historical anecdote rather than by reasoning, would 
have been just as unsatisfactory to me then as it is now, I 
might not have been altogether unmoved by those warnings of 
approaching evil which it seemed to intimate, especially when 
taken in connection with the observations of the same honorable 
gentleman on a preceding day, ^that delays in disposing of this 
subject, in the manner he desires, are dangerous, and that we 
stand on slippery ground.^ I must be permitted, however (speak- 
ing only for myself), to say that the hour of dismay is passed. 
I have heard the tones of the larum bell on all sides, tmtil they 
have become familiar to my ear, and have lost their power to 
appall, if, indeed, they ever possessed it. Notwithstanding occa- 
sional appearances of rather an unfavorable description, I have 
long since persuaded myself that the Missouri question, as it is 
called, might be laid to rest, with innocence and safety, by some 
conciliatory compromise at least, by which, as is our duty, we 
might reconcile the extremes of conflicting views and feelings^ 
without any sacrifice of constitutional principles; and in any 
event, that the Union would easily and triumphantly emerge 
from those portentous clouds with which this controversy is sup- 
posed to have environed it. 

I confess to you, nevertheless, that some of the principles 
announced by the honorable gentleman from New York, with an 
explicitness that reflected the highest credit on his candor, did, 
when they were first presented^ startle me not a little. They 



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WILLIAM PINKNBY ^jgj 

were not perhaps entirely new. Perhaps I had seen them before 
in some shadowy and doubtful shape, — 

* If shape it might be called, that shape had none. 
Distinguishable in member, joint, or limb.* 

But in the honorable gentleman's speech they were shadowy and 
doubtful no longer. He exhibited them in forms so boldly and 
accurately defined, with contours so distinctly traced, with feat- 
ures so pronounced and striking, that I was unconscious for a 
moment that they might be old acquaintances. I received them 
as navi hospites within these walls, and gazed upon them with 
astonishment and alarm. I have recovered, however, thank Grod, 
from this paroxysm of terror, although not from that of astonish- 
ment I have sought and found tranquillity and courage in my 
former consolatory faith. My reliance is that these principles 
will obtain no general currency; for, if they should, it requires 
no gloomy imagination to sadden the perspective of the future. 
My reliance is upon the tmsophisticated good sense and noble 
spirit of the American people. I have what I may be allowed 
to call a proud and patriotic trust, that they will give no 
countenance to principles, which, if followed out to their obvious 
consequences, will not only shake the goodly fabric of the Union 
to its foundations, but reduce it to a melancholy ruin. The peo- 
ple of this cotmtry, if I do not wholly mistake their character, 
are wise as well as virtuous. They know the value of that fed- 
eral association which is to them the single pledge and guarantee 
of power and peace. Their warm and pious affections will cling 
to it as to their only hope of prosperity and happiness, in defi- 
ance of pernicious abstractions, by whomsoever inculcated, or 
howsoever seductive or alluring in their aspect. . . . 

The clause of the Constitution which relates to the admission 
of new States is in these words: *The Congress may admit new 
States into this Union,* etc., and the ildvocates for restriction 
maintain that the use of the word *may* imports discretion to 
admit or to reject; and that in this discretion is wrapped up an- 
other — that of prescribing the terms and conditions of admission 
in case you are willing to admit: Cujus est dare ejus est disponere. 
I will not for the present inquire whether this involved discre- 
tion to dictate the terms of admission belongs to you or not. It 
is fit that I should first look to the nature and extent of it. 



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3198 WILLIAM PINKNBT 

I tlunk I may assume that if such a power be anything but 
nominal, it is much more than adequate to the present object — 
that it is a power of vast expansion, to which human sagacity 
can assign no reasonable limits — that it is a capacious reservoir 
of authority, from which you may take, in all time to come, as 
occasion may serve, the means of oppression as well as of bene- 
faction. I know that it professes at this moment to be the 
chosen instrument of protecting mercy, and would win upon us 
by its benignant smiles; but I know, too, it can frown, and play 
the tyrant, if it be so disposed. Notwithstanding the softness 
which it now assumes, and the care with which it conceals its 
giant proportions beneath the deceitful drapery of sentiment, 
when it next appears before you it may show itself with a sterner 
countenance and in more awful dimensions. It is, to speak the 
truth, sir, a power of colossal size — if, indeed, it be not an abuse 
of language to call it by the gentle name of a power. Sir, it 
is a wilderness of powers, of which fancy in her happiest mood 
is unable to perceive the far distant and shadowy boundary. 
Armed with such a power, with religion in one hand and phi- 
lanthropy in the other, and followed with a goodly train of pub- 
lic and private virtues, you may achieve more conquests over 
sovereignties not your own than falls to the common lot of even 
uncommon ambition. By the aid of such a power, skillfully em- 
ployed, you may •bridge your way* over the Hellespont that 
separates State legislation from that of Congress; and you may 
do so for pretty much the same purpose with which Xerxes once 
bridged his way across the Hellespont that separates Asia from 
Europe. He did so, in the language of Milton, •the liberties of 
Greece to yoke.* You may do so for the analogous purpose 
of subjugating and reducing the sovereignties of States, as your 
taste or convenience may suggest, and fashioning them to your 
imperial will. There are those in this House who appear to 
think, and I doubt not sincerely, that the particular restraint 
now under consideration is wise, and benevolent, and good; wise 
as respects the Union — good as respects Missouri — benevolent 
as respects the unhappy victims whom with a novel kindness it 
would incarcerate in the South, and bless by decay and extirpa- 
tion. Let all such beware, lest in their desire for the effect 
which they believe the restriction will produce, they are too 
easily satisfied that they have the right to impose it The moral 
beauty of the present purpose, or even its political recommenda- 



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WILLIAM PINKNBY 3ipp 

tions (whatever they may be), can do nothing for a power like 
this, which claims to prescribe conditions ad libitum and to be 
competent to this purpose, because it is competent to all. This 
restriction, if it be not smothered in its birth, will be but a small 
part of the progeny of that prolific power. It teems with a 
mighty brood, of which this may be entitled to the distinction of 
comeliness as well as of primogeniture. The rest may want the 
boasted loveliness of their predecessor, and be even uglier than 
•Lapland witches.* 

Perhaps, sir, you will permit me to remind you that it is al- 
most always in company with those considerations that interest 
the heart in some way or other, that encroachment steals into the 
world. A bad purpose throws no veil over the licenses of power. 
It leaves them to be seen as they are. It affords them no pro- 
tection from the inquiring eye of jealousy. The danger is when 
a tremendous discretion like the present is attempted to be as- 
sumed, as on this occasion, in the names of pity, of religion, of 
national honor and national prosperity; when encroachment tricks 
itself out in the robes of piety, or humanity, or addresses itself 
to pride of country, with all its kindred passions and motives. It 
is then that the guardians of the Constitution are apt to slumber 
on their watch, or, if awake, to mistake for lawful rule some per- 
nicious arrogation of power. . . . 

I shall not, I am sure, be told that I exaggerate this power. 
It has been admitted here and elsewhere that I do not. But I 
want no such concession. It is manifest that as a discretionary 
power it is everything or nothing — that its head is in the 
clouds, or that it is a mere figment of enthusiastic speculation — 
that it has no existence, or that it is an alarming vortex ready 
to swallow up all such portions of the sovereignty of an infant 
State as you may think fit to cast into it as preparatory to the 
introduction into the Union of the miserable residue. No man 
can contradict me when I say that if you have this power, you 
may squeeze down a newborn sovereign State to the size of a 
pigmy, and then, taking it between finger and thumb, stick it into 
some niche of the Union, and still continue by way of mockery to 
call it a State in the sense of the Constitution. You may waste it 
to a shadow, and then introduce it into the society of flesh and 
blood an object of scorn and derision. You may sweat and re- 
duce it to a thing of skin and bone, and then place the ominous 
skeleton beside the ruddy and healthful members of the Union, 



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3200 WILLIAM PIKKNBT 

that it may have leisure to mourn the lamentable difference be- 
tween itself and its companions, to brood over its disastrous pro- 
motion, and to seek in justifiable discontent an opportunity for 
separation and insurrection and rebellion. What may you not do 
by dexterity and perseverance with this terrific power ? You may 
give to a new State, in the form of terms which it cannot refuse 
(as I shall show you hereafter), a statute book of a thousand vol- 
umes — providing not for ordinary cases only, but even for possi- 
bilities; you may lay the yoke, no matter whether light or heavy^ 
upon the necks of the latest posterity; you may send this searching 
power into every hamlet for centuries to come, by laws enacted 
in the spirit of prophecy, and regulating all those dear relations 
of domestic concern which belong to local legislation, and which 
even local legislation touches with a delicate and sparing hand. 
This is the first inroad. But will it be the last? This provision 
is but a pioneer for others of a more desolating aspect It is that 
fatal bridge of which Milton speaks, and when once firmly bmlt, 
what shall hinder you to pass it when you please for the purpose 
of plundering power after power at the expense of new States, 
as you will still continue to call them, and raising up prospective 
codes irrevocable and immortal, which shall leave to those States 
the empty shadows of domestic sovereignty, and convert them 
into petty pageants, in themselves contemptible, but rendered in- 
finitely more so by the contrast of their humble faculties with 
the proud and admitted pretensions of those who, having doomed 
them to tiie inferiority of vassals, have condescended to take them 
into their society and under their protection ? 



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WILLIAM PITT. 

After the Design of Jackson. Engraved by H. Meyer, 




CUE admirable design by Jackson here reproduced, appeared in L/ondon 
in 1810. Its original, the portrait by Hoppner, was at that time 
owned by Lord Mulgrave. It is one of the most satisfying of the 
existing portraits of the great English orators. Pitt must have looked so at 
the time he gave his unfulfilled promise of becoming greater than his father. 



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330I 




WILLIAM PITT 

(1759-1806) 

(oRD Brougham writes that as an orator Williata Pitt is to be 
placed in the very highest class. *With a spare use of 
ornament,''^ he says, « hardly indulging more in figures or 
even in figurative expression than the most severe examples of an- 
cient chasteness allowed; with little variety of style and hardly any 
of the graces of manner, he no sooner rose than he kept the atten- 
tion fixed and unflagging till it pleased him to let it go.^ This effect 
Brougham attributes ^to his unbroken flow which never for a moment 
left the hearer in pain or doubt, and yet was not the mere fluency 
of mere relaxation, requiring no effort of the speaker. . • . His 
declamation was admirable, mingling with and clothing the argument, 
and no more separable from the reasoning than the heat is from the 
metal in a stream of lava. Yet with all this excellence the last 
effect of the highest eloquence was for the most part wanting. We 
seldom forgot the speaker or lost the artist in his work.^ In this 
closing sentence Brougham shows why with all his great talents the 
younger Pitt falls below the elder as a man and a statesman. The 
father was great by reason of the force of his conviction of right, 
his devotion to the principles of law and liberty, his belief in Eng- 
land as the leader of the world, and in the right of every individual 
Englishman to be as free and happy as he was individually fit to be 
under free and equal laws. The son was great as an artist, who be- 
lieved in men as the materials for statesmanship, to be moved this 
way and that by their intellectual superiors, with no more regard to 
their wishes than it was necessary to show as a means of moving 
them. In his speech of June 7th, 1799, proposing a military subsidy 
to Russia against France, he defines himself in sa3ring: * Whatever I 
may in the abstract think of the kind of government called a Re- 
public, — whatever may be its fitness to the nation where it now pre- 
vails, there may be times when it would not be dangerous to exist 
in its vicinity; but while the spirit of France remains what at present 
it is, — its government vindictive, despotic, unjust, with a temper un- 
tamed, a character unchanged, — if its power to do wrong at all re- 
mains, there does not exist any security for this country or Europe.* 
The meaning of this guarded utterance was sufficiently explained by 
▼111 — aoi 



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3202 WILLIAM PITT 

the attempt to restore the Bourbons, and in the gradual desertion 
by the Whigs, whom Pitt led, of what had been Whig principles in 
his father's lifetime. He defined in this speech the attitude of Eng- 
land in a way that helped to determine American policies against an 
aggressive Republican propaganda. Pitt was bom near Hayes in 
Kent, May 28th, 1759. After a University record which gave promise 
of his future greatness, he entered Parliament in 1780. In July 1782 
he became Chancellor of the Exchequer, and in 1783 Prime Minister. 
The English Whigs had been at first disposed to sympathize with 
French Republicanism, but in his administration of the domestic 
affairs of England Pitt repeatedly brought about the suspension of 
the Habeas Corpus Act, and used all the force of the government to 
check the growth of republicanism of any kind. His second adminis- 
tration began in 1804, and he attempted to overthrow Napoleon by 
the combined forces of England, Russia, and Austria. When the 
attempt was defeated by Napoleon's brilliant victories of 1805 Pitt, 
broken in health and hope, retired from public life and died at Put- 
ney, January 23d, 1806. 



AGAINST FRENCH REPUBLICANISM 

(Delivered in the House of Commons, Sitting as *A Committee of Supply,' 
June 7th, 1799, in Support of a Motion to Grant the Russian Army a Sub- 
sidy against France ^for the Deliverance of Europe*) 

I WISH, sir, to offer such an explanation on some of the topics 
dwelt upon by the honorable gentleman who just sat down 
[Mr. Tiemey] as will, I think, satisfy the committee and the 
honorable gentleman. The nature of the engagement to which 
the message would pledge the House is simply, that, first, for the 
purpose of setting the Russian army in motion, we shall advance 
to that country ;^22S,ooo — part of it by installments, to accom- 
pany the subsidy to be paid when the army is in actual service. 
And I believe no one who has been the least attentive to the 
progress of affairs in the world, who can appreciate worth and 
admire superior zeal and activity, will doubt the sincerity of the 
sovereign of Russia, or make a question of his integrity in any 
compact. The second head of distribution is ;^75,ooo per month, 
to be paid at the expiration of every succeeding month of serv- 
ice; and lastly, a subsidy of ;£'37,5oo to be paid after the war, 
on the conclusion of a peace by common consent. Now I think 
it strange that the honorable gentleman should char]ge us with 



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WILLLA.M PITT 



3203 



want of pmdence, while it cannot be unknown to him that the 
principal subsidies are not to be paid until the service has been 
performed, and that in one remarkable instance the present sub- 
sidy differs from every other, in as much as a part of it is not 
to be paid until after the conclusion of a peace by common con- 
sent. I think gentlemen would act more consistently if they 
would openly give their opposition on the principle that they 
cannot support the war under any circumstances of the country 
and of Europe, than in this equivocal and cold manner to em- 
barrass our deliberations and throw obstacles in the way of all 
vigorous co-operation. There is no reason, no ground to fear 
that that magnanimous prince will act with infidelity in a cause 
in which he is so sincerely engaged, and which he knows to be 
the cause of all good government, of religion, and humanity, 
against a monstrous medley of tyranny, injustice, vanity, irrelig- 
ion, and folly. Of such an ally there can be no reason to be 
jealous; and least of all have the honorable gentlemen opposite 
me grounds of jealousy, considering the nature and circumstances 
of our engagements with that monarch. As to the sum itself, I 
think no man can fiind fault with it. In fact, it is comparatively 
small. We take into our pay forty-five thousand of the troops of 
Russia, and I believe if any gentleman will look to all former sub- 
sidies, the result will be, that never was so large a body of men 
subsidized for so small a sum. This fact cannot be considered 
without feeling that this magnanimous and powerful prince has 
undertaken to supply at a very trifling expense a most essential 
force, and that for the deliverance of Europe. I still must use 
this phrase, notwithstanding the sneers of the honorable gentle- 
men. Does it not promise the deliverance of Europe, when we 
fiind the armies of our allies rapidly advancing in a career of vic- 
tory at once the most brilliant and auspicious that perhaps ever 
signalized the exertions of any combination ? Will it be regarded 
with apathy, that that wise and vigorous and exalted prince has 
already, by his promptness and decision, given a turn to the af- 
fairs of the continent? Is the House to be called upon to refuse 
succor to our ally, who, by his prowess, and the bravery of his 
arms, has attracted so much of the attention and admiration of 
Europe? 

The honorable gentleman says he wishes for peace, and that 
he approved more of what I said on this subject towards the 
close of my speech, than of the opening. Now what I said was, 



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3204 WILLIAM PITT 

that if by powerfully seconding the e£Eort8 of onr allies, we could 
only look for peace with any prospect of realizing our hopes, 
whatever would enable ns to do so promptly and effectually 
would be true economy. I must, indeed, be much misunderstood, 
if generally it was not perceived that I meant that whether the 
period which is to carry us to i>eace be shorter or longer, what 
we have to look to is not so much when we make peace, as 
whether we shall derive from it complete and solid security; and 
that whatever other nations may do, whether they shall persevere 
in the contest, or untimely abandon it, we have to look to our- 
selves for the means of defense, we are to look to the means to 
secure our Constitution, preserve our character, and maintain our 
independence, in the virtue and perseverance of the people. 
There is a high-spirited pride, an elevated loyalty, a generous 
warmth of heart, a nobleness of spirit, a hearty, manly gaiety, 
which distinguish our nation, in which we are to look for the best 
pledges of general safety, and of that security against an ag- 
gressing usurpation, whidh other nations in their weakness or in 
their folly have yet nowhere found. Vith respect to that which 
appears so much to embarrass certain gentlemen, — the deliver- 
ance of Europe, — I will not say particularly what it is. Whether 
it is to be its deliverance from that under which it suffers, or 
that from which it is in danger; whether from the infection of 
false principles, the corroding cares of a period of distraction and 
dismay, or that dissolution of all governments, and that death of 
religion and social order which are to signalize the triumph of 
the French republic, if unfortunately for mankind she should, m 
spite of all opposition, prevail in the contest; — from whichsoever 
of these Europe is to be delivered, it will not be difficult to 
prove that what she suffers and what is her danger are the 
power and existence of the French Government. If any man 
says that the Government is not a tyranny, he miserably mis- 
takes the character of that body. It is an insupportable and odi- 
ous tyranny, holding within its grasp the lives, the characters, 
and the fortunes of all who are forced to own its sway, and only 
holding these that it may at will measure out of each the por- 
tion which from time to time it sacrifices to its avarice, its cru- 
elty, and injustice. The French Republic is diked and fenced 
round with crime, and owes much of its present security to its 
being regarded with a horror which appalls men in their ap- 
proaches to its impious battlements. 



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WILLIAM PITT 



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The honorable gentleman says that he does not know whether 
the Emperor of Russia understands what we mean by the de- 
liverance of Europe. I do not think it proper here to dwell 
much at length on this curious doubt. But whatever may be 
the meaning which that august personage attaches to our phrase, 
*the deliverance of Europe,^ at least he has shown that he is 
no stranger to the condition of the world; that whatever be the 
specific object of the contest, he has learned rightly to consider 
the character of the common enemy, and shows by his public 
proceedings that he is determined to take measures of more than 
ordinary precaution against the common disturbers of Europe 
and the common enemy of man. Will the honorable gentleman 
continue in his state of doubt ? Let him look to the conduct of 
that prince during what has passed of the present campaign. If 
in such conduct there be not unfolded some solicitude for the de- 
liverance of Europe from the tyranny of France, I know not, sir, 
in what we are to look for it. But the honorable gentleman 
seems to think no alliance can long be preserved against France. 
I do not deny that unfortunately some of the nations of Europe 
have shamefully crouched to that power, and receded from the 
common cause at a moment when it was due to their own dig- 
nity, to what they owed to that civilized community of which 
they are still a part, to persevere in the struggle, to reanimate 
their legions with that spirit of just detestation and vengeance 
which such inhumanity and cruelty might so well provoke. I do 
not say that the powers of Europe have not acted improperly ia 
many other instances; and Russia in her turn; for, during a 
period of infinite peril to this cotmtry, she saw our danger ad- 
vance upon us, and four different treaties entered into of offen-^ 
sive alliance against us, without comment, and without a single 
expression of its disai>probation. This was the conduct of that 
power in former times. The conduct of his present Majesty 
raises quite other emotions, and excites altogether a different 
interest. His Majesty, since his accession, has unequivocally de- 
clared his attachment to Great Britain, and, abandoning those 
projects of ambition which formed the occupation of his prede- 
cessor, he chose rather to join in the cause of religion and order 
against Prance than to pursue the plan marked out for him to 
htunble and destroy a power which he was taught to consider as 
his common enemy. He turned aside from all hostility against 
the Ottoman Porte, and united his force to the power of that 



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32o6 



WILLIAM PITT 



prince the more effectually to check the progress of the common 
enemy. Will gentlemen then continue to regard with suspicion 
the conduct of that prince ? Has he not sufficiently shown his 
devotion to the cause in which we axe engaged, by the kind, and 
number, and value of his sacrifices, ultimately to prevail in the 
struggle against the tyranny which, in changing our point of 
vision, we everywhere find accompanied in its desolating progress 
by degradation, misery, and nakedness, to the unhappy victims of 
its power, — a tyranny which has magnified and strengthened its 
powers to do mischief in the proportion that the legitimate and 
venerable fabrics of civilized and polished society have declined 
from the meridian of their glory and lost the power of doing 
good, — a tyranny which strides across the ill-fated domain of 
France, its foot airmed with the scythe of oppression and indis- 
criminate proscription, that touches only to blight, and rests only 
to destroy; the reproach and the curse of the infatuated people 
who still continue to acknowledge it? When we consider that it 
is against this monster the Emperor of Russia has sent down his 
legions, shall we not say that he is entitled to our confidence? 

But what is. the constitutional State of the question ? It is 
competent, undoubtedly, for any gentleman to make the character 
of an ally the subject of consideration; but in this case it is not 
to the Emperor of Russia we vote a subsidy, but to his Majesty. 
The question, therefore, is, whether his Majesty's Government af- 
fix any undue object to the message, whether they draw any un- 
due inference from the deliverance of Europe. The honorable 
gentleman has told us that his deliverance of Europe is the driv- 
ing of Prance within her ancient limits — that he is not indifferent 
to the restoration of the other States of Europe to independence, 
as connected with the independence of this country; but it is as- 
sumed by the honorable gentleman that we are not content with 
wishing to drive Prance within her ancient limits — that on the 
contrary, we seek to overthrow the Government of Prance; and 
he would make us say that we never will treat with it as a re- 
public. Now I neither meant anything like this, nor expressed 
myself so as to lead to such inferences. Whatever I may in the 
abstract think of the kind of government called a republic, what- 
ever may be its fitness to the nation where it prevails, there may 
be times when it would not be dangerous to exist in its vicinity. 
But while the spirit of Prance remains what at present it is, its 
Government despotic, vindictive, unjust, with a temper untamed. 



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WILLIAM PITT 



3«o7 



a character tinchanged, if its power to do wrong at all remains, 
there does not exist any security, for this country or Europe. 
In my view of security, every object of ambition and aggrandize- 
ment is abandoned. Our simple object is security, just security, 
with a little mixture of indemnification. These are the legitimate 
objects of war at all times; and when we have attained that end, 
we are in a condition to derive from peace its beneficent advan- 
tages; but until then, our duty and our interest require that we 
should persevere unappalled in the struggle to which we were 
provoked. We shall not be satisfied with a false security. War, 
with all its evils, is better than a peace in which there is nothing 
to be seen but usurpation and injustice, dwelling with savage de- 
light on the humble, prostrate condition of some timid suppliant 
people. It is not to be dissembled, that in the changes and chances 
to which the fortunes of individuals, as well as of States, are con- 
tinually subject, we may have the misfortune, and great it would 
be, of seeing our allies decline the contest. I hope this will not 
happen. I hope it is not reserved for us to behold the mortify- 
ing spectacle of two mighty nations abandoning a contest, in 
which they have sacrificed so much and made such brilliant pro- 
gress. 

In the application of this principle I have no doubt but the 
honorable gentleman admits the security of the country to be the 
legitimate object of the contest; and I must think I am suffi- 
ciently intelligible on this topic. But wishing to be fully under- 
stood, I answer the honorable gentleman when he asks: ^Does 
the right honorable gentleman mean to prosecute the war until 
the French Republic is overthrown ? Is it his determination not 
to treat with France while it continues a republic?* I answer: 
I do not confine my views to the territorial limits of Prance; I 
contemplate the principles, character, and conduct of France; I 
consider what these are; I see in them the issues of distraction, 
of infamy and ruin, to every State in her alliance; and, therefore, 
I say that until the aspect of that mighty mass of iniquity and 
folly is entirely changed, — until the character of the Government 
is totally reversed, — until, by common consent of the general 
voice of all men, I can with truth tell Parliament, France is no 
longer terrible for her contempt of the rights of every other na- 
tion — she no longer avows schemes of universal empire — she 
has settled into a state whose government can maintain those re- 
lations in their integrity, in which alone civilized communities are 



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WILLIAM PITT 



to find their security, and from which they are to derive their 
distinction and their glory, — nntil in the situation of France we 
have exhibited to us those features of a wise, a just, and a lib- 
eral policy, I cannot treat with her. The time to come to the 
discussion of a peace can only be the time when you can look 
with confidence to an honorable issue; to such a peace as shaU at 
once restore to Europe her settled and balanced Constitution of 
general polity, and to every negotiating power in particular, that 
weight in the scale of general empire which has ever been found 
the best guarantee and pledge of local independence and general 
security. Such are my sentiments. I am not afraid to disavow 
them. I commit them to the thinking part of mankind, and if 
they have not been poisoned by the stream of French sophistry, 
and prejudiced by her falsehood, I am sure they will approve of 
the determination I have avowed for those grave and mature 
reasons on which I found it. I earnestly pray that all the pow- 
ers engaged in the contest may think as I do, and particularly 
the Emperor of Russia, which, indeed, I do not doubt; and, 
therefore, I do contend that with that power it is fit that the 
House should enter into the engagement recommended in his 
Majesty's message. 



ENGLAND'S SHARE IN THE SLAVE TRADE 

(Prom A Speech in Ptoliament, April sd, 1792) 

WHY ought the slave trade to be abolished? Because it is 
incurable injustice! How much stronger, then, is the 
argument for immediate than gradual abolition! By al- 
lowing it to continue even for one hour, do not my right honor- 
able friends weaken — do not they desert their own argument of 
its injustice ? If on the ground of injustice it ought to be abol- 
ished at last, why ought it not now? Why is injustice to be 
suffered to remain for a single Jiour ? Prom what I hear with- 
out doors, it is evident that there is a general conviction enter- 
tained of its being far from just, and from that very conviction 
of its injustice some men have been led, I fear, to the supposi- 
tion that the slave trade never could have been permitted to be- 
gin, but from some strong and irresistible necessity, — a necessity, 
however, which, if it was fancied to exist at first, I have shown 
cannot be thought by any man whatever to exist at present 



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WILLIAM PITT 3209 

This plea of necessity, thus presumed, and presumed, as I sus- 
pect, from the circumstance of injustice itself, has caused a sort 
' of acquiescence in the continuance of this evil. Men have been 
led to place it in the rank of those necessary evils which are 
supposed to be the lot of human creatures, and to be i)ermitted 
to fall upon some countries or individuals, rather than upon 
others, by that Being whose ways are inscrutable to us, and 
whose dispensations, it is conceived, we ought not to look into. 
The origin of evil is, indeed, a subject beyond the reach of the 
human understanding; and the permission of it by the Supreme 
Being is a subject into which it belongs not to us to inquire. 
But where the evil in question is a moral evil which a man can 
scrutinize, and where that moral evil has its origin with our- 
selves, let us not imagine that we can clear our consciences by 
this general, not to say irreligious and impious, way of lajdng 
aside the question. If we reflect at all on this subject, we must 
see that every necessary evil supposes that some other and 
greater evil would be incurred, were it removed. I therefore de- 
sire to ask: What can be that greater evil which can be stated to 
overbalance the one in question ? I know of no evil that ever 
has existed, nor can imagine any evil to exist, worse than the 
tearing of eighty thousand persons annually from their native 
land, by a combination of the most civilized nations in the most 
enlightened quarter of the globe, — but more especially by that 
nation which calls herself the most free and the most happy of 
them all. Even if these miserable beings were proved guilty 
of every crime before you take them off (of which, however, not 
a single proof is adduced), ought we to take upon ourselves the 
office of executioners? And even if we condescend so far, still 
can we be justified in taking them, unless we have clear proof 
that they are criminals? 

But if we go much further, — if we ourselves tempt them to 
sell their fellow-creatures to us, we may rest assured that they 
will take care to provide by every method, by kidnaping, by 
village-breaking, by tmjust wars, by iniquitous condemnations, 
by rendering Africa a scene of bloodshed and misery, a supply 
of victims increasing in proportion to our demand. Can we, 
then, hesitate in deciding whether the wars in Africa are their 
wars or ours ? It was our arms in the River Cameroon, put into 
the hands of the trader, that furnished him with the means of 
pushing his trade; and I have no more doubt that they are Brit- 



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3210 WILLIAM PITT 

isb arms, put into the hands of Africans, which promote imi- 
rersal war and desolation, than I can doubt their having done so 
in that individual instance. 

I have shown how great is the enormity of this evil, even on 
the supposition that we take only convicts and prisoners of war. 
But take the subject in the other way; take it on the grounds 
stated by the right honorable gentleman over the way, and how 
does it stand ? Think of eighty thousand persons carried away 
out of their country, by we know not what means, for crimes 
imputed; for light or inconsiderable fatdts; for debt, perhaps; for 
the crime of witchcraft; or a thousand other weak and scandal- 
ous pretexts! Besides, all the fraud and kidnaping, the villainies 
and perfidy, by which the slave trade is supplied. Reflect on 
these eighty thousand persons thus annually taken off! There is 
something in the horror of it that surpasses all the bounds of 
imagination. Admitting that there exists in Africa something 
like to courts of justice, yet what an office of humiliation and 
meanness is it in us to take upon ourselves to carry into execu- 
tion the partial, the cruel, iniquitous sentences of such courts, as 
if we also were strangers to all religion, and to the first princi- 
ples of justice. 

Thus, sir, has the i)erversion of British commerce carried mis- 
ery instead of happiness to one whole quarter of the globe. False 
to the very principles of trade, misguided in our policy, and un- 
mindful of our duty, what astonishing — I had almost said, what 
irreparable — mischief, have we brought upon that continent! How 
shall we hope to obtain, if it be possible, forgiveness from Heaven 
for those enormous evils we have committed, if we refuse to 
make use of those means which the mercy of Providence hath 
still reserved to us, for wiping away the g^ilt and shame with 
which we are now covered. If we refuse even this degree of com- 
pensation, — if, knowing the miseries we have caused, we refuse 
even now to put a stop to them, how greatly aggravated will be 
the guilt of Great Britain! and what a blot will these transac- 
tions forever be in the history of this country! Shall we, then, 
delay to repair these injuries, and to begin rendering justice to 
Africa ? Shall we not count the days and hours that are suffered 
to intervene and to delay the accomplishment of such a work? 
Reflect what an immense object is before you; what an object 
for a nation to have in view and to have a prospect, under the 
favor of Providence, of being now permitted to attain! I think 



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WILLIAM PITT 32 1 1 

the House will agree with me in cherishing the ardent wish to 
enter without delay upon the measures necessary for these great 
ends; and I am sure that the immediate abolition of the slave 
trade is the first, the principal, the most indispensable act of pol- 
icy, of duty, and of justice, that the Legislature of this country 
has to take, if it is, indeed, their wish to secure those important 
objects to which I have alluded, and which we are bound to pur- 
sue by the most solemn obligations. 

Having now detained the House so long, all that I will fur- 
ther add shall be on that important subject, the civilization of 
Africa, which I have already shown that I consider as the lead- 
ing feature in this question. Grieved am I to think that there 
should be a single person in this country, much more that there 
should be a single Member in the British Parliament, who can 
look on the present dark, uncultivated, and uncivilized state of 
that continent as a ground for continuing the slave trade; as a 
ground, not only for refusing to attempt the improvement of Af- 
rica, but even for hindering and intercepting every ray of light 
which might otherwise break in upon her, as a ground for refus- 
ing to her the common chance and the common means with 
which other nations have been blessed, of emerging from their 
native barbarism. . . . 

I trust we shall no longer continue this commerce to the de- 
struction of every improvement on that wide continent, and shall 
not consider ourselves as conferring too great a boon in restoring 
its inhabitants to the rank of human beings. I trust we shall 
not think ourselves too liberal, if, by abolishing the slave trade, 
we give them the same common chance of civilization with other 
parts of the world, and that we shall now allow to Africa the 
opportunity, the hope, the prospect of attaining to the same bless- 
ings which we ourselves, through the favorable dispensations of 
Divine Providence, have been permitted, at a much more early 
period, to enjoy. If we listen to the voice of reason and duty, 
and pursue this night the line of conduct which they prescribe, 
some of us may live to see a reverse of that picture from which 
we now turn our eyes with shame and regfret. We may live to 
behold the natives of Africa engaged in the calm occupations of 
industry, in the pursuits of a just and legitimate commerce. We 
may behold the beams of science and philosophy breaking in 
upon their land, which at some happy period in still later times 
may blaze with full lustre, and, joining their influence to that of 



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3212 WILLIAM PITT 

pure religion, may illuminate and invigorate the most distant ex? 
tremities of that immense continent. Then may we hope that 
even Africa, though last of all the quarters of the globe, shall 
enjoy at length, in the evening of her days, those blessings which 
have descended so plentifully upon us in a much earlier period 
of the world. Then, also, will Europe, participating in her im- 
provement and prosperity, receive an ample recompense for the 
tardy kindness (if kindness it can be called) of no longer hinder- 
ing that continent from extricating herself out of the darkness 
which, in other more fortunate regions, has been so much more 
speedily dispelled. 

• Nos que ubi primus equis oriens afflami anhelis; 



lUic sera rubens accendU lumina vesper.^ 

Then, sir, may be applied to Africa those words, originally 
used, indeed, with a different view: — 

^Uis dentum exactis 



Devenire locos hetos, et amctna vireta 
Fortunatorum nemarum^ sedesque beatas; 
Largior hie campos jEtker et lumine vestii 
Purpurea,^ 

It is in this view, sir, — it is an atonement for our long and 
cruel injustice toward Africa, that the measure proposed by my 
honorable friend most forcibly recommends itself to my mind. 
The great and happy change to be expected in the state of her 
inhabitants is, of all the various and important benefits of the 
abolition, in my estimation, incomparably the most extensive and 
important. 

I shall vote, sir, against the adjournment, and I shall also op- 
pose to the utmost every proposition which in any way may tend 
either to prevent, or even to postpone for an hour, the total 
abolition of the slave trade, — a measure which, on all the various 
grounds I have stated, we are bound, by the most pressing and 
indispensable duty, to adopt 



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3213 




BARON PLUNKETT 

(WILLIAM CONYNGHAM PLUNKETT) 

(1 765-1 854) 

HIS speech prosecuting Robert Emmet for treason, Plmikett 
used with the utmost skill the arguments with which the 
Conservatism he represented always attempts to maintain 
the status quo and to punish those who disturb it. Plunkett was an 
Irishman only by the accident of birth. He was bom in the County 
of Fermanagh in 1765 of English ancestry, and educated in Dublin 
and London. He began the practice of law in 1787 and the next year 
was elected to the Irish Parliament. In 1804 he was made Solicitor- 
General of Ireland, and subsequently became Attorney-General. In 
18 1 2 he was elected to the English Parliament to represent Trinity 
College, Dublin. In 1827 he became Chief-Justice of the Court of 
Common Pleas and was raised to the peerage as Baron Plunkett 
Between 1830 and 1834, and again from 1835 to 1841, he was Lord 
Chancellor of Ireland. He died January 5th, 1854. 



PROSECUTING ROBERT EMMET 

(Prom His Speech at the Trial of Emmet, for High Treason, before the Court 
Held tmder a Special Commission at Dublin, Monday, September 19th, 
x8Q3) 

My Lords and Gentlemen of the Jury : — 

You need not entertain any apprehension that at this hour of 
the day I am disposed to take up a great deal of your 
time, by observing upon the evidence which has been given. 
In truth, if this were an ordinary case, and if the object of this 
prosecution did not include some more momentous interests than 
the mere question of the gfuilt or innocence of the unfortunate 
gentleman who stands a prisoner at the bar, I should have fol- 
lowed the example of his counsel and should have declined mak- 
ing any observation upon the evidence. But, gentlemen, I do 
feel this to be a case of infinite importance, indeed. It is a case 
important like all others of this kind, by involving the life of a 



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3214 BARON PLUNKETT 

fellow-subject; but it is doubly and tenfold important because 
from the evidence which has been given in the progress of it 
the system of this conspiracy against the laws and Constitution 
of the country has been developed in all its branches; and in ob- 
serving upon the conduct of the prisoner at the bar, and in 
bringing home the evidence of his guilt, I am bringing home 
guilt to a person, who, I say, is the centre, the lifeblood, and soul 
of this atrocious conspiracy. 

Gentlemen, with respect to the evidence which has been of- 
fered upon the part of the Crown to substantiate the guilt of the 
prisoner, I shall be very short, indeed, in recapitulating and ob- 
serving upon it; I shall have very little more to do than to fol- 
low the statement which was made by my learned and eloquent 
friend, who stated the case upon the part of the Crown; be- 
cause it appears to me that the outline which was given by him 
has been, with an exactness and precision seldom to be met with, 
followed up by the proof. Gentlemen, what is the sum and sub- 
stance of that proof? I shall not detain you by detailing the 
particulars of it. You see the prisoner at the bar returning from 
foreign cotmtries, some time before hostilities were on the point 
of breaking out between these countries and France. At first 
avowing himself, not disguising or concealing himself; he was 
then under no necessity of doing so, but when hostilities com- 
menced and when it was not improbable that foreign invasion 
might co-operate with domestic treason, you see him throwing off 
the name by which he was previously known, and distinguishing 
himself tmder new appellations and characters. You see him, in 
the month of March or April, going to an obscure lodging at 
Harold's Cross, assuming the name of Hewitt, and concealing 
himself there — for what purpose? Has he called upon any wit- 
ness to explain it to you ? If he were upon any private enter- 
prise, — if for fair and honorable views, or any other purpose 
than that which is imputed to him by the indictment, has he 
called a single witness to explain it? No; but after remaining 
six weeks or two months in this concealment, when matters 
began to ripen a little more, when the house was hired in Thomas 
street, which became the depot and magazine of military prepa- 
ration, he then thinks it necessary to assume another character 
and another place of abode, accommodated to a more enlarged 
sphere of action; he abandons his lodging, he pays a fine of 
sixty-one guineas for a house in Butterfield-lane, again disguised 



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BARON PLUNKETT 32x5 

by another assumed name, that of Ellis. Has he called any per- 
son to account for this, or to excuse by argument, or even by 
assertion, this conduct ? Why, for any honest purpose, should he 
take this place for his habitation under a feigned name ? 

But you find his plans of treason becoming more mature. 
He is there associated with two persons. One of the name of 
Dowdall; we have not explained in evidence what his situation 
is or what he had been: the other is Quigley; he has been as- 
certained by the evidence to have been a person originally fol- 
lowing the occupation of a bricklayer, but he thought proper to 
desert the humble walk in which he was originally placed and 
to become a framer of constitutions and a subverter of empires. 

With these associates he remains at Butterfield-lane, occasion- 
ally leaving it and returning again; whether he was superintend- 
ing the works which were going forward, or whatever other 
employment engaged him, you will determine. Be it what it 
may; if it were not for the purpose of treason and rebellion, he 
has not thought proper by evidence to explain it. So matters 
continued until some short time before the fatal night of the 
twenty-third of July. Matters became somewhat hastened by an 
event which took place about a week before the breaking out of 
the insurrection; a house in Patrick street, in which a quantity 
of powder had been collected for the purpose of the rebellion, 
exploded. An alarm was spread by this accident; the conspira- 
tors found that if they delayed their schemes and waited for 
foreign co-operation, they would be detected and defeated, and, 
therefore, it became necessary to hasten to immediate action. 
What is the consequence ? From that time the prisoner is not 
seen in his old habitation; he moves into town, and becomes an 
inmate and constant inhabitant of this depot. These facts which 
I am stating are not collected from inference from his disguise, 
his concealment, or the assumption of a feigned name, or the 
other concomitant circumstances, but are proved by the positive 
testimony of three witnesses, all of whom positively swear to the 
identity of his person, — Fleming, Coghlan, and Parrell, everyone 
of whom swears he saw the prisoner, talljring exactly with each 
other as to his person, the dress he wore, the functions he ex- 
ercised; and every one of whom had a full opportunity of know- 
ing him. You see him at Butterfield-lane under the assumed 
name of Ellis; you see him carrying the same name into the 
depot, not wishing to avow his own until the achievement of 



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BARON PLUNKETT 



the enterprise would crown it with some additional eclat . . . 
You heard the kind of implements which were prepared, their 
account of the command assumed by the prisoner, — living an 
entire week in the depot, animating his workmen, and hastening 
them to the conclusion of their business. When the hour of ac- 
tion arrived, you see him dressed in military array, putting him- 
self at the head of the troops who had been shut up with him in 
this asylum, and advancing with his party, armed for the capture 
of the castle and the destruction of his fellow-citizens. . . . 

Gentlemen, with regard to the mass of accumulated evidence, 
forming irrefragable proof of the guilt of the prisoner, I conceive 
no man, capable of putting together two ideas, can have a doubt; 
why, then, do I address you, or why should I trespass any longer 
upon your time and your attention ? Because, as I have already 
mentioned, I feel this to be a case of great public expectation — 
of the very last national importance; and, because, when I am 
prosecuting a man, in whose veins the very lifeblood of this 
conspiracy flowed, I expose to the public eye the utter meanness 
and insufficiency of its resources. What does it avow itself to 
be ? A plan not to correct the excesses or reform the abuses of 
the Government of the coimtry; not to remove any specks of im- 
perfection which might have grown upon the surface of the Con- 
stitution, or to restrain the overgrown power of the Crown, or 
to restore any privilege of Parliament, or to throw any new 
security around the liberty of the subject; no, but it plainly and 
boldly avows itself to be a plan to separate Great Britain from 
Ireland, uproot the monarchy, and establish *a free and inde- 
pendent republic in Ireland* in its place! To sever the connec- 
tion between Great Britain and Ireland! Gentlemen, I should feel 
it a waste of words and of public time were I addressing you or 
any person within the limits of my voice, to talk of the frantic 
desperation of the plan of any man who speculates upon the dis- 
solution of that empire, whose glory and whose happiness depend 
upon its indissoluble connection. But were it practicable to sever 
that connection, to untie the links which bind us to the British 
Constitution, and to turn us adrift upon the turbulent ocean of 
revolution, who could answer for the existence of this country as 
an independent power for a year? God and nature have made 
the two countries essential to each other; let them cling to each 
other to the end of time, and their united affection and loyalty 
will be proof against the machinations of the world. 



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3217 



But how was this to be done ? By establishing * a free 
and independent republic!'* High-sounding name! I would ask 
whether this man who used it understood what he meant. I will 
not ask what may be its benefits, for I know its evils. There is 
no magic in the name. We have heard of * free and independent 
republics,* and have since seen the most abject slavery that ever 
groaned under iron despotism growing out of them. 

Formerly, gentlemen of the jury, we have seen revolutions 
effected by some great call of the people, ripe for change and 
unfitted by their habits for ancient forms; but here from the ob- 
scurity of concealment and by the voice of that pygmy authority, 
self-created and fearing to show itself but in arms under cover of 
the night, we are called upon to surrender a constitution which 
has lasted for a period of one thousand years. Had any body of 
the people come forward stating any grievance, or aimouncing 
their demand for a change ? No, but while the country is peace- 
ful, enjoying the blessings of the Constitution, growing rich and 
happy under it, a few desperate, obscure, contemptible adventur- 
ers in the trade of revolution form a scheme against the consti- 
tuted authorities of the land, and by force and violence to over- 
throw an ancient and venerable Constitution, and to plunge a 
whole people into the horrors of civil war! 

If the wisest head that ever lived had framed the wisest sys- 
tem of laws which human ingenuity could devise, — if Tie were 
satisfied that the system were exactly fitted to the disposition of 
the people for whom he intended it, and that a great proportion 
of that people were anxious for its adoption, yet give me leave to 
say that under all these circumstances of fitness and disposition 
a well-judging mind and a humane heart would pause a while 
and stop upon the brink of his purpose, before he would hazard 
the peace of the country by resorting to force for the establish- 
ment of his system. But here, in the frenzy of distempered am- 
bition, the author of the proclamation conceives the project of * a 
free and independent Republic,*^ — he at once flings it down and 
he tells every man in the community, rich or poor, loyal or dis- 
loyal, he must adopt it at the peril of being considered an enemy 
to the country, and of suffering the pains and penalties attendant 
thereupon. . . . 

Gentlemen, so far I have taken up your time with observing 
upon the nature and extent of the conspiracy, its objects, and 
the means by which they proposed to effectuate them. Let me 
vm— 20a 



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BARON PLUNKETT 



now call your attention to the pretexts by which they seek to 
support them. They have not stated what particular grievance 
or oppression is complained of, but they have traveled back into 
the history of six centuries, — they have raked up the ashes of 
former cruelties and rebellions, and upon the memory of them 
they call upon the good people of this country to embark into 
similar troubles; but they forget to tell the people that until the 
infection of new-fangled French principles was introduced, this 
country was for a hundred years free from the slightest symptom 
of rebellion, advancing in improvement of every kind beyond any 
example, while the former animosities of the country were melt- 
ing down into a general system of philanthropy and cordial at- 
tachment to each other. They forget to tell the people whom 
they address that they have been enjoying the equal benefit of 
laws by which the property, the person, and constitutional rights 
and privileges of every man are abundantly protected. They 
have not pointed out a single instance of oppression. Give me 
leave to ask any man who may have suffered himself to be 
deluded by those enemies of the law, what there is to prevent 
the exercise of honest industry, and enjoying the produce of it. 
Does any man prestmie to invade him in the enjoyment of his 
property? If he does, is not the punishment of the law brought 
down upon him? What does he want? What is it that any 
rational friend to freedom could expect that the people of this 
country are not fully and amply in the possession of? And, 
therefore, when those idle stories are told of six hundred years of 
oppression and of rebellions prevailing, when this country was 
in a state of ignorance and barbarism, and which have long since 
passed away, they are utterly destitute of a fact to rest upon; 
they are a fraud upon feeling, and are the pretext of the factious 
and ambitious, working upon credulity and ignorance. . . . 

Gentlemen, why do I state these facts ? Is it to show that the 
Government need not be vigilant, or that our gallant countrjonen 
should relax in their exertions? By no means; but to convince the 
miserable victims, who have been misled by those phantoms of 
revolutionary delusion, that they ought to lose no time in aban- 
doning a cause which cannot protect itself, and exposes them to 
destruction, and to adhere to the peaceful and secure habits of 
honest industry. If they knew it, they have no reason to repine 
at their lot; Providence is not so unkind to them in casting them 
in that humble walk in which they are placed. Let them obey 



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BARON PLXJNKBTT 33x9 

the law and cultivate religion and worship their God in their 
own way. They may prosecute their labor in peace and tran- 
quillity; they need not envy the higher ranks of life, but may 
look with pity upon that vicious despot who watches with the 
sleepless eye of disquieting ambition, and sits a wretched usurper 
trembling upon the throne of the Bourbons. But I do not wish 
to awaken any remorse, except such as may be salutary to him- 
self and the country, in the mind of the prisoner. But when he 
reflects that he has stooped from the honorable situation in which 
his birth, talents, and his education placed him, to debauch the 
minds of the lower orders of ignorant men with the phantoms of 
liberty and equality, he must feel that it was an tmworthy use 
of his talents; he should feel remorse for the consequences which 
ensued, grievous to humanity and virtue, and should endeavor to 
make all the atonement he can by employing the little time 
which remains for him in endeavoring to undeceive them. 

Liberty and equality are dangerous names to make use of; if 
properly understood, they mean enjoyment of personal freedom 
under the equal protection of the laws; and a genuine love of 
liberty inculcates an affection for our friends, our king, and coun- 
try; a reverence for their lives, an anxiety for their safety; a 
feeling which advances from private to public life, until it ex- 
pands and swells into the more dignified name of philanthropy 
and philosophy. But in the cant of modem philosophy, these af- 
fections which form the ennobling distinctions of man's nature 
are all thrown aside; all the vices of his character are made the 
instrument of moral good — an abstract quantity of vice may pro- 
duce a certain quantity of moral good. To a man whose princi- 
ples are thus poisoned and his judgment perverted, the most 
flagitious crimes lose their names, — robbery and murder become 
moral good. He is taught not to startle at putting to death a 
fellow-creature, if it be presented as a mode of contributing to 
the good of all. In pursuit of these phantoms and chimeras of 
the brain, they abolish feelings and instincts, which God and 
nature have planted in our hearts for the good of humankind. 
Thus, by the printed plan for the establishment of liberty and a 
free republic, murder is prohibited and proscribed; and yet you 
heard how this caution against excesses was followed up by the 
recital of every grievance that ever existed, and which could ex- 
cite every bad feeling of the heart, the most vengeful cruelty and 
insatiate thirst of blood. 



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3220 BARON PLUNKETT 

Gentlemen, I am anxious to suppose that the mind of the 
prisoner recoiled at the scenes of murder which he witnessed, 
and I mention one circumstance with satisfaction; it appears he 
saved the life of Farrell; and may the recollection of that one 
^ood action cheer him in his last moments! But though he may 
not have planned individual murders, that is no excuse to justify 
his embarking in treason, which must be followed by every spe- 
cies of crimes. It is supported by the rabble of the coimtry, 
while the rank, the wealth, and the power of the country are op- 
posed to it. Let loose the rabble of the country from the salu- 
tary restraints of the law, and who can take upon him to limit 
their barbarities? Who can say he will disturb the peace of the 
world and rule it when wildest ? Let loose the winds of heaven, 
and what power less than omnipotent can control them ? So it 
is with the rabble; let them loose, and who can restrain them? 
What claim, then, can the prisoner have upon the compassion of 
a jury, because in the general destruction which his schemes nec- 
essarily produce he did not meditate individual murder ? In the 
short space of a quarter of an hour, what a scene of blood and 
horror was exhibited! I trust that the blood which has been shed 
in the streets of Dublin upon that night, and since upon the 
scaffold, and which may hereafter be shed, will not be visited 
upon the head of the prisoner. It is not for me to say what are 
the limits of the mercy of God, or what a sincere repentance of 
those crimes may effect; but I do say that if this unfortunate 
young gentleman retains any of the seeds of humanity in his 
heart, or possesses any of those qualities which a virtuous educa- 
tion in a liberal seminary must have planted in his bosom, he 
will make an atonement to his God and his country, by employ- 
ing whatever time remains to him in warning his deluded coun- 
trymen from persevering in their schemes. Much blood has been 
shed, and he, perhaps, would have been immolated by his follow- 
ers if he had succeeded. They are a bloodthirsty crew, incap- 
able of listening to the voice of reason and equally incapable of 
obtaining rational freedom, if it were wanting in this country, as 
they are of enjoying it. They imbrue their hands in the most 
sacred blood of the country, and yet they call upon God to pros- 
per their cause, as if it were just! But as it is atrocious, wicked, 
and abominable, I most devoutly invoke that God to confound 
and overwhelm it. 



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3221 




EDGAR ALLAN POE 

(1809-1849) 

^oe's theory of effective expression as he states it in his lec- 
ture, <The Poetic Principle, > is remarkable for its harmony 
with the methods of the great Attic orators. ^In enforcing 
a truth, "^ he says, *we need severity rather than efflorescence of lan- 
guage. We must be simple, precise, terse. We must be cool, calm^ 
unimpassioned. In a word we must be in that mood, which, as 
nearly as possible, is the exact converse of the poetical.^ In writing 
prose or in speaking, Poe's ear for music leads him to violate persist- 
ently the canons of his own art of simplicity. In such sentences as 
this, he is delighting himself with the music of language fully as 
much as with the beauty of the idea he attempts to express: ^An 
immortal instinct, deep within the spirit of man, is thus, plainly, a 
sense of the beautiful. This it is which administers to his delight in 
the manifold forms and sound and odors and sentiments amid which 
he exists; and just as the lily is repeated in the lake, or the eyes of 
Amaryllis in the mirror, so is the mere oral or written repetition 
of these forms and sounds and colors and odors and sentiments a 
duplicate source of delight.^ When Burke or Curran are deeply 
moved we have in their language the same subtle harmony, the same 
exquisite melody which governs the flow of these sentences. Poe 
was seldom able to define himself with scientific accuracy, but even 
when he is most inaccurate in definition, all that he says on such 
subjects is valuable because of the instinctive correctness and deli- 
cacy of his ear for the harmonies of language. His lecture, ^The 
Poetic Principle, > is one of the very few public addresses he de- 
livered during his lifetime. He lived at a time when the platform 
was at the height of its power and usefulness, but he was too sensi- 
tive to appear as a public speaker, except under the pressure of his 
necessities. 



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322 2 EDQAR ALLAN FOB 



THE LOVE FOR THE BEAUTIFUL IN SPEECH 
(From His Lecture on <The Poetic Principle*) 

WITH as deep a reverence for the true as ever inspired the 
bosom of man, I would, nevertheless, limit in some meas- 
ure its modes of inculcation. I would limit to enforce 
them. I would not enfeeble them by dissipation. The demands 
of truth are severe; she has no sympathy with the myrtles. All 
that which is so indispensable in song is precisely all that with 
which she has nothing whatever to do. It is but making her a 
flaunting paradox to wreathe her in gems and flowers. In en- 
forcing a truth we need severity rather than efflorescence of lan- 
guage. We must be simple, precise, terse. We must be cool, 
calm, unimpassioned. In a word, we must be in that mood, 
which, as nearly as possible, is the exact converse of the poetical. 
He must be blind, indeed, who does not perceive the radical and 
chasmal dijferences between the truthful and poetical modes of 
inculcation. He must be theory-mad beyond redemption, who, in 
spite of these differences, shall still persist in attempting to rec- 
oncile the obstinate oils and waters of poetry and truth. 

Dividing the world of mind into its three most immediately ob- 
vious distinctions, we have the pure intellect, taste, and the moral 
sense. I place taste in the middle, because it is just this posi- 
tion which in the mind it occupies. It holds intimate relations 
with either extreme, but from the moral sense is separated by 
so faint a difference that Aristotle has not hesitated to place some 
of its operations among the virtues themselves. Nevertheless, we 
find the offices of the trio marked with a sufficient distinction. 
Just as the intellect concerns itself with truth, so taste informs 
us of the beautiful, while the moral sense is regardful of duty. 
Of this latter, while conscience teaches the obligation, and reason 
the expediency, taste contents herself with displaying the charms: 
— waging war upon vice solely on the ground of her deformity; 
her disproportion, her animosity to the fitting, to the appropri- 
ate, to the harmonious — in a word to beauty. 

An immortal instinct, deep within the spirit of man, is thu^ 
plainly, a sense of the beautiful. This it is which administers 
to his delight in the manifold forms and sotmds and odors and 
sentiments amid which he exists; and just as the lily is re- 
peated in the lake, or the eyes of Amaryllis in the mirror, so is 



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EDGAR ALLAN POB 3223 

the mere oral or written repetition of these forms and sounds 
and colors and odors and sentiments a duplicate source of de- 
light. But this mere repetition is not poetry. He who shall 
simply sing, with however glowing enthusiasm, or with however 
vivid a truth of description, of the sights and sounds and odors 
and sentiments which greet him in common with all mankind, — 
he, I say, has yet failed to prove his divine title. There is still 
a something in the distance which he has been unable to attain. 
We have still a thirst unquenchable, to allay which he has not 
shown us the crystal springs. This thirst belongs to the immor- 
tality of man. It is at once a consequence and an indication of 
his perennial existence. It is the desire of the moth for the star. 
It is no mere appreciation of the beauty before us, but a wild 
effort to reach the beauty above. Inspired by an ecstatic pre- 
science of the glories beyond the grave, we struggle by multi- 
form combinations among the things and thoughts of time to 
attain a portion of that loveliness whose very elements, perhaps, 
appertain to eternity alone. And thus when by poetry, — or when 
by music, the most entrancing of the poetic moods, — we find 
ourselves melted into tears, not as the Abbate Gravia supposes 
through excess of pleasure, but through a certain petulant, impa- 
tient sorrow at our inability to grasp now, wholly, here on earth, 
at once and forever, those divine and rapturous joys, of which 
through the poem, or through the music, we attain to but brief 
and indeterminate glimpses. 

The struggle to apprehend the supernal loveliness — this 
struggle, on the part of souls fittingly constituted — has given to 
the world all that which it (the world) has ever been enabled 
at once to understand and to feel as poetic. 

The poetic sentiment, of course, may develop itself in various 
modes, — in painting, in sculpture, in architecture, in the dance 
— very especially in music, — and very peculiarly, and with a 
wide field, in the composition of the landscape garden. Our 
present theme, however, has regard only to its manifestation in 
words. And here let me speak briefly on the topic of rhythm. 
Contenting myself with the certainty that music, in its various 
modes of metre, rhythm, and rhyme, is of so vast a moment in 
poetry as never to be wisely rejected, — is so vitally important 
an adjunct, that he is simply silly who declines its assistance, — I 
will not now pause to maintain its absolute essentiality. It is in 
music, perhaps, that the soul most nearly attains the great end 



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3224 EDGAR ALLAN POB 

for which, when inspired by the poetic sentiment, it strugfgles — 
the creation of supernal beauty. It may be, indeed, that here 
this sublime end is, now and then, attained in fact. We are 
often made to feel, with a shivering delight, that from an earthly 
harp are stricken notes which cannot have been unfamiliar to 
the angels. And thus there can be but little doubt that in the 
union of poetry with music in its popular sense we shall find 
the wildest field for the poetic development. The old bards and 
minnesingers had advantages which we do not possess, and 
Thomas Moore singing his own songs was, in the most legiti- 
mate manner, perfecting them as poems. 

To recapitulate, then, I would define, in brief, the poetry of 
words as the rhythmical creation of beauty. Its sole arbiter is 
taste. With the intellect or with the conscience, it has only col- 
lateral relations; unless, incidentally, it has no concern whatever 
either with duty or with truth. 

A few words, however, in explanation. That pleasure which 
is at once the most pure, the most elevating, and the most in- 
tense, is derived, I maintain, from the contemplation of the beauti- 
ful. In the contemplation of beauty we alone find it possible to 
attain that pleasurable elevation, or excitement, of the soul, which 
we recognize as the poetic sentiment, and which is so easily dis- 
tinguished from truth, which is the satisfaction of the reason, or 
from passion, which is the excitement of the heart. I make 
beauty, therefore, — using the word as inclusive of the sublime, — 
I make beauty the province of the poem, simply because it is an 
obvious rule of art that effects should be made to spring as di- 
rectly as possible from their causes — no one as yet having been 
weak enough to deny that the peculiar elevation in question is 
at least the most readily attainable in the poem. It by no means 
follows, however, that the incitements of passion, or the precepts 
of duty, or even the lessons of truth, may not be introduced into 
a poem, and with advantage; for they may subserve, incidentally, 
in various ways, the general purposes of the work; but the true 
artist will always contrive to tone them down in proper subjec- 
tion to that beauty which is the atmosphere and the real essence 
of the poem. 



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3225 




HENRY CODMAN POTTER 

(1835-) 

JIenry Codman Potter, Episcopal Bishop of New York, was 
bom at Schenectady, New York, May 25th, 1835. His father, 
Alonzo Potter, was Vice-President of Union College, Bishop 
of Pennsylvania, and author of a number of philosophical and educa- 
tional works. His uncle, Horatio Potter, was Bishop of New York 
from 1861 to 1887, and he himself became assistant Bishop of that 
diocese in 1883, and Bishop on the death of his uncle. One of the 
most notable of his addresses was that delivered at St. Paul's Chapel 
in New York city on the hundredth anniversary of Washington's first 
inauguration. It excited wide discussion not unmixed with heated 
denunciation from some who interpreted it as an attack on their own 
favorite political theories. 



WASHINGTON AND AMERICAN ARISTOCRACY 

(Dehyered at SL Paul's Chapel, New York City, April 30th, 1889, on the Hun- 
dredth Anniversary of Washington's First Inauguration — By Permission 
from the Authorized Text) 

ONE hundred years ago there knelt within these walls a man 
to whom, above all others in its history, this nation is in- 
debted. An Englishman by race and lineage, he incar- 
nated in his own person and character every best trait and 
attribute that have made the Anglo-Saxon name a glory to its 
children and a terror to its enemies throughout the world. But 
he was not so much an Englishman, that when the time came 
for him to be so, he was not even more an American; and in all 
that he was and did, a patriot so exalted, and a leader so great 
and wise, that what men called him when he came here to be 
inaugurated as the first President of the United States the civil- 
ized world has not since then ceased to call him — the Father of 
his Country. 

We are here this morning to thank God for so great a gift to 
this people, to coiqmemorate the incidents of which this day is 



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3226 



HENRY CODMAN POTTER 



the one hundredth anniversary, and to recognize the responsibili- 
ties which a century so eventful has laid upon us. 

And we are here of all other places, first of all, with pre- 
eminent appropriateness. I know not how it may be with those 
to whom all sacred things and places are matters of equal indiffer- 
ence, but surely to those of us with whom it is otherwise it can- 
not be without profound and pathetic import that when the first 
President of the Republic had taken upon him, by virtue of his 
solemn oath, pronounced in the sight of the people, the heavy 
burden of its chief magistracy, he turned straightway to these 
walls, and, kneeling in yonder pew, asked God for strength to 
keep his promise to the nation and his oath to him. This was 
no unwonted home to him, nor to a large proportion of those 
eminent men who, with him, were associated in framing the Con- 
stitution of these United States. Children of the same spiritual 
mother and nurtured in the same scriptural faith and order, they 
were wont to carry with them into their public deliberation some- 
thing of the same reverent and conservative spirit which they 
had learned within these walls, and of which the youthful and 
ill-regulated fervors of the newborn Republic often betrayed its 
need. And he, their leader and chief, while singularly without 
cant, or formalism, or pretense in his religious habits, was pene- 
trated, as we know well, by a profound sense of the dependence 
of the Republic upon a guidance other than that of man, and of 
his own need of a strength and courage and wisdom greater than 
he had in himself. 

And so, with inexpressible tenderness and reverence we find 
ourselves thinking of him here, kneeling to ask such gifts, and 
then rising to go forth to his great tasks with mien so august 
and majestic that Fisher Ames, who sat beside him in this chapel, 
wrote: *^I was present in the pew with the President, and must 
assure you that, after making all deductions for the delusions of 
one's fancy in regard to characters, I still think of him with 
more veneration than for any other person.® So we think of 
him, I say; and, indeed, it is impossible to think otherwise. The 
modem student of history has endeavored to tell us how it was 
that the service in this chapel which we are striving to repro- 
duce came about. The record is not without obscurity, but of 
one thing we may be sure, — that to him who of that goodly com* 
pany which a hundred years ago gathered within these walls was 
chief, it was no empty form, no decorous affectation. Events had 



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HENRY CODMAN POTTER 3227 

been too momentous, the hand of a Heavenly Providence had 
been too plain, for him, and the men who were grouped about 
him then, to misread the one or mistake the other. The easy 
levity with which their children's children debate the facts of 
God and duty and eternal destiny was as impossible to them as 
faith and reverence seem to be, or to be in danger of becoming, 
to many of us. And so we may be very sure that, when they 
gathered here, the air was hushed, and hearts as well as heads 
were bent in honest supplication. 

For, after all, their great experiment was then, in truth, but 
just beginning. The memorable days and deeds which had pre- 
ceded it — the struggle for independence, the delicate, and, in 
many respects, more difl&cult struggle for Union, the harmonizing 
of the various and often apparently conflicting interests of rival 
and remote States and sections, the formulating and adopting o\ 
the National Constitution — all these were, after all, but introduc- 
tory and preparatory to the great experiment itself. It has been 
suggested that we may wisely see in the event which we cele- 
brate to-day an illustration of those great principles upon which 
all governments rest, of the continuity of the chief magistracy, of 
the corporate life of the nation as embodied in its Executive, of 
the transmission, by due succession, of authority, and the like; 
of all of which, doubtless, in the history of the last one hundred 
years we have an interesting and, on the whole, inspiring ex- 
ample. 

But it is a somewhat significant fact that it is not along lines 
such as these that that enthusiasm which has flamed out during 
these recent days and weeks, as this anniversary has approached, 
has seemed to move. The one thing that has, I imagine, amazed 
a good many cynical and pessimistic people among us is the way 
in which the ardor of a great people's love and homage and 
gratitude has kindled, not before the image of a mechanism, but 
of a man. It has been felt with an unerring intuition which has, 
once and again and again in human history, been the attribute of 
the people as distinguished from the doctrinaires, the theorists, 
the system-makers, that that which makes it worth while to com- 
memorate the inauguration of George Washington is not merely 
that it is the consummation of the nation's struggle towards or- 
ganic life, not merely that by the initiation of its Chief Executive 
it set in operation that Constitution of which Mr. Gladstone has 
declared: ^*As far as I can see, the American Constitution is the 



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HENRY CODMAN POTTBR 



most wonderful work ever struck oflE at one time by the brain 
and purpose of man^; but that it celebrates the beginning of an 
administration which, by its lofty and stainless integrity, by its 
absolute superiority to selfish or secondary motives, by the rec- 
titude of its daily conduct in the face of whatsoever threats, 
blandishments, or combinations, rather than by the ostentatious 
Pharisaism of its professions, has taught this nation and the 
world forever what the Christian ruler of a Christian people 
ought to be. 

I yield to no man in my veneration for the men who framed 
the compact under which these States are bound together. No 
one can easily exaggerate their services or the value of that 
which they wrought out. But, after all, we may not forget to- 
day that the thing which they made was a dead and not a living 
thing. It had no power to interpret itself, to apply itself, to exe- 
cute itself. Splendid as it was in its complex and forecasting 
mechanism, instinct as it was, in one sense, with a noble wisdom, 
with a large-visioned statesmanship, with a matchless adaptability 
to untried emergencies, it was, nevertheless, no different in an- 
other aspect from one of those splendid specimens of naval archi- 
tecture which throng our wharves to-day, and which, with every 
best contrivance of human art and skill, with capacities of pro- 
gress which newly amaze us every day, are but as impotent, dead 
matter, save as the brain and hand of man shall summon and 
command them. * The ship of state,* we say. Yes; but it is the 
cool and competent mastery at the helm of that, as of every other 
ship, which shall, under Grod, determine the glory or the ignominy 
of the voyage. 

Never was there a truth which more sorely needed to be 
spoken! A generation which vaunts its descent from the found- 
ers of the Republic seems largely to be in danger of forgetting 
their pre-eminent distinction. They were few in numbers, they 
were poor in worldly possessions — the sum of the fortune of the 
richest among them would afford a fine theme for the scorn of 
the plutocrat of to-day; but they had an invincible confidence in 
the truth of those principles in which the foundations of the Re- 
public had been laid, and they had an unselfish purpose to main- 
tain them. The conception of the National Government as a 
huge machine, existing mainly for the purpose of rewarding par- 
tisan service — this was a conception so alien to the character 
and conduct of Washington and his associates that it seems gro- 



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HENRY CODMAN POTTER 3329 

tesque even to speak of it. It would be interesting to imagine 
the first President of the United States confronted with some 
one who had ventured to approach him upon the basis of what 
are now commonly known as *• practical politics.* But the con- 
ception is impossible. The loathing, the outraged majesty with 
which he would have bidden such a creature to be gone is fore- 
shadowed by the gentle dignity with which, just before his in- 
auguration, replying to one who had the strongest claims upon 
his friendship, and who had applied to him during the progress 
of the * presidential campaign,*^ as we should say, for the prom- 
ise of an appointment to office, he wrote: *^In touching upon the 
more delicate part of your letter, the communication of which 
fills me with real concern, I will deal with you with all that 
frankness which is due to friendship, and which I wish should 
be a characteristic feature of my conduct through life. . . . 
Should it be my fate to administer the Government, I will go to 
the chair under no pre-engagement of any kind or nature what- 
ever. And when in it, I will, to the best of my judgment, dis- 
charge the duties of the office with that impartiality and zeal 
for the public good which ought never to suflEer connections of 
blood or friendship to have the least sway on decisions of a pub- 
lic nature.* 

On this high level moved the first President of the Republic. 
To it must we who are the heirs of her sacred interests be not 
unwilling to ascend, if we are to guard our glorious heritage! 

And this all the more because the perils which confront us 
are so much graver saxd more portentous than those which then 
impended. There is (if we are not afraid of the wholesome med- 
icine that there is in consenting to see it) an element of infinite 
sadness in the eflEort which we are making to-day. Ransacking 
the annals of our fathers as we have been doing for the last few 
months, a busy and well-meaning assiduity would fain reproduce 
the scene, the scenery, the situation, of a hundred years ago! 
Vain and impotent endeavor! It is as though out of the linea- 
ments of living men we would fain produce another Washington. 
We may disinter the vanished draperies, we may revive the stately 
minuet, we may rehabilitate the old scenes, but the march of a 
century cannot be halted or reversed, and the enormous change 
in the situation can neither be disguised nor ignored. Then we 
were, though not all of us sprung from one nationality, practic- 
ally one people. Now, that steadily deteriorating process, against 



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3230 HENRY CODMAN POTTER 

whose dangers a great thinker of our own generation warned his 
countrymen just fifty years ago, goes on, on every hand, apace. 
•The constant importation,^ wrote the author of *The Weal of 
Nations * [Horace Bushnell], • as now, in this country, of the low- 
est orders of people from abroad to dilute the quality of our nat- 
ural manhood, is a sad and beggarly prostitution of the noblest 
gift ever conferred on a people. Who shall respect a people who 
do not respect their own blood ? And how shall a national spirit, 
or any determinate and proportionate character, arise out of so 
many low-bred associations and cross-grained temperaments, im- 
ported from every clime ? It was, indeed, in keeping that Pan, 
who was the son of everybody, was the ugliest of the gods.* 

And again: Another enormous difference between this day 
and that of which it is the anniversary is seen in the enormous 
difference in the nature and influence of the forces that deter- 
mine our national and political destiny. Then, ideas ruled the 
hour. To-day, there are, indeed, ideas that rule our hour, but 
they must be merchantable ideas. The growth of wealth, the 
prevalence of luxury, the massing of large material forces, which 
by their very existence are a standing menace to the freedom 
and integrity of the individual, the infinite swagger of our Ameri- 
can speech and manners, mistaking bigness for greatness, and 
sadly confounding gain and godliness, — all this is a contrast to 
the austere simplicity, the unpurchasable integrity of the first 
days and first men of our Republic, which makes it impossible 
to reproduce to-day either the temper or the conduct of our 
fathers. As we turn the pages backward, and come upon the 
story of that thirtieth of April, in the Year of our Lord 1789, 
there is a certain stateliness in the air, a certain ceremoniousness 
in the manners, which we have banished long ago. We have 
exchanged the Washingtonian dignity for the Jeffersonian sim- 
plicity, which in due time came to be only another name for the 
Jacksonian vulgarity. And what have we gotten in exchange for 
it? In the elder States and dynasties they had the trappings of 
royalty and the pomp and splendor of the king's person to fill 
men's hearts with loyalty. Well, we have dispensed with the old 
titular digfnities. Let us take care that we do not part with that 
tremendous force for which they stood! If there be not titular 
royalty, all the more need is there for personal royalty. If there 
is to be no nobility of descent, all the more indispensable is it 
that there should be nobility of ascent, — a character in them 



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HENRY CODMAN POTTER 3231 

that bear rule, so fine and high and pure, that as men come 
within the circle of its influence they involuntarily pay homage 
to that which is the one pre-eminent distinction, — the Royalty 
of Virtue! 

And that it was, men and brethren, which, as we turn to-day 
and look at him who, as on this morning just a hundred years 
ago, became the servant of the Republic in becoming the Chief 
Ruler of its people, we must needs own, conferred upon him his 
divine right to rule. All the more, therefore, because the cir- 
cumstances of his era were so little like our own, we need to 
recall his image and, if we may, not only to commemorate, but 
to reproduce his virtues. The traits which in him shone pre- 
eminent as our own Irving has described them, * firmness, sagac- 
ity, an immovable justice, courage that never faltered, and, most 
of all, truth that disdained all artifices,* — these are characteris- 
tics in her leaders of which the nation was never in more dire 
need than now. 

And so we come and kneel at this ancient and hallowed shrine 
where once he knelt, and ask that God would graciously vouch- 
safe them. Here in this holy house we find the witness of that 
one invisible Force which, because it alone can rule the conscience, 
is destined, one day, to rule the world. Out from airs dense and 
foul with the coarse passions and coarser rivalries of self-seeking 
men, we turn aside as from the crowd and glare of some vulgar 
highway, swarming with pushing and ill-bred throngs, and tawdry 
and clamorous with bedizened booths and noisy speech, into some 
cool and shaded wood where straight to heaven some majestic 
oak lifts its tall form, its roots embedded deep among the un- 
changing rocks, its upper branches sweeping the upper airs and 
holding high commune with the stars; and, as we think of him 
for whom we here thank God, we say: *Such a one, in native 
majesty he was a ruler, wise and strong and fearless, in the sight 
of God and men, because by the ennobling grace of God he had 
learned, first of all, to conquer every mean and selfish and self- 
seeking aim, and so to rule himself!* For — 

*What are numbers knit 
By force or custom ? Man who man would be 
Must rule the empire of himself — in it 
Must be supreme, establishing his throne 
Of vanquished will, quelling the anarchy 
Of hopes and fears, being himself alone.* 



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3232 HENRY CODMAN POTTER 

Such was the hero, leader, ruler, patriot, whom we gratefully 
remember on this day. We may not reproduce his age, his young 
environment, nor him. But none the less may we rejoice that 
once he lived and led this people, ^led them and ruled them 
prudently,* like him, that Kingly Ruler and Shepherd of whom 
the psalmist sang, *with all his power. *^ God give us the grace 
to prize his grand example, and, as we may in our more modest 
measure, to reproduce his virtues. 



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3233 




SEARGEANT SMITH PRENTISS 

(1808-1850) 

|h£ address delivered by Seargeant Smith Prentiss at the din- 
ner of the New England Society of New Orleans in 1845 
attained immediate currency and excited the admiration it 
deserved. It is, without donbt. one of the best examples of the ornate 
style of oratory so popular before the increased circulation of daily 
newspapers brought about a change in public taste. Before a jury, 
especially in murder cases, Prentiss was one of the most effective 
speakers of his day. *On the stump* his popularity was scarcely 
exceeded by that of Clay. He was bom at Portland, Maine, Septem- 
ber 30th, 1808, but historically he is completely identified with the 
State of Mississippi to which he removed after his graduation at 
Bowdoin College in 1826. For several years he was a tutor in a 
private family, but on beginning the . practice of law at Vicksburg 
he easily became the leader of the bar of his adopted State and the 
most successful «jury orator*^ of the Southwest. He was a Whig in 
politics, and represented that party in Congress in 1838 and 1839. He 
died at Longwood near Natchez, July ist, 1850. 



ON NEW ENGLAND'S « FOREFATHERS' DAY» 

(Delivered before the New England Society of New Orleans, 
December 22d, 1845) 

THIS is a day dear to the sons of New England, and ever held 
by them in sacred remembrance. On this day, from every 

quarter of the globe, they gather in spirit around the Rock 
of Plymouth, and hang upon the urns of their Pilgrim Fathers 
the garlands of filial gratitude and affection. We have assembled 
for the purpose of participating in this honorable duty; of per- 
forming this pious pilgrimage. To-day we will visit that memor- 
able spot. We will gaze upon the place where a feeble band of 
persecuted exiles founded a mighty nation; and our hearts will 
exult with proud gratification as we remember that on that 
barren shore our ancestors planted, not only empire, but freedom. 

viii— 203 



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3234 SBARGBANT SMITH PRENTISS 

We will meditate upon their toils, their sufferings, and their 
virtues, and to-morrow return to our daily avocations, with minds 
refreshed and improved by the contemplation of their high prin- 
ciples and noble purposes. 

The human mind cannot be contented with the present. It is 
ever journeying through the trodden regions of the past, or mak- 
ing adventurous excursions into the mysterious realms of the 
future. He who lives only in the present is but a brute, and has 
not attained the human dignity. Of the future but little is 
known; clouds and darkness rest upon it; we yearn to become ac- 
quainted with its hidden secrets; we stretch out our arms towards 
its shadowy inhabitants; we invoke our posterity, but they answer 
us not We wander in its dim precincts till reason becomes con- 
fused, and at last start back in fear, like mariners who have 
entered an unknown ocean, of whose winds, tides, currents, and 
quicksands they are wholly ignorant Then it is we turn for re- 
lief to the past, that mighty reservoir of men and things. There 
we have something tangible to which our sympathies can attach; 
upon which we can lean for support; from whence we can gather 
knowledge and learn wisdom. There we are introduced into 
Nature's vast laboratory, and witness her elemental labors. We 
mark with interest the changes in continents and oceans by which 
she has notched the centuries. But our attention is still more 
deeply aroused by the great moral events which have controlled 
the fortunes of those who have preceded us, and still influence 
our own. With curious wonder we gaze down the long aisles of 
the past upon the generations that are gone. We behold, as in 
a magic glass, men in form and feature like ourselves, actuated 
by the same motives, urged by the same passions, busily engaged 
in shaping out both their own destinies and ours. We approach 
them, and they refuse not our invocation. We hold converse with 
the wise philosophers, the sage legislators, and divine poets. We 
enter the tent of the general, and partake of his most secret 
counsels. We go forth with him to the battlefield, and behold 
him place his glittering squadrons; then we listen with a pleas- 
ing fear to the trumpet and the drum, or the still more terrible 
music of the booming cannon and the clashing arms. But most 
of all, among the innumerable multitudes who peopled the past, 
we seek our own ancestors, drawn towards them by an irresistible 
sympathy. Indeed, they were our other selves. With reverent 
solicitude we examine into their characters and actions, and as we 



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SEARGBANT SMITH PRENTISS 3235 

find them worthy or unworthy, our hearts swell with pride, or 
our cheeks glow with shame. We search with avidity for the 
most trivial circumstances in their history, and eagerly treasure 
up every memento of their fortunes. The instincts of our nature 
bind us indissolubly to them and link our fates with theirs. Men 
cannot live without a past; it is as essential to them as a future. 
Into its vast confines we will journey to-day, and converse with 
our Pilgrim Fathers. We will speak to them and they shall 
answer us. 

Two centuries and a quarter ago a little tempest-tossed, weather- 
beaten bark, barely escaped from the jaws of the wild Atlantic, 
landed upon the bleakest shore of New England. From her deck 
disembarked a hundred and one careworn exiles. To the casual 
observer no event could seem more insignificant The contemptu- 
ous eye of the world scarcely deigned to notice it. Yet the famous 
vessel that bore Caesar and his fortunes carried but an ignoble 
freight compared with that of the Mayflower. Her little band of 
Pilgrims brought with them neither wealth nor power, but the 
principles of civil and religious freedom. They planted them for 
the first time in the Western Continent. They cherished, cul- 
tivated, and developed them to a full and luxuriant maturity; 
and then furnished them to their posterity as the only sure and 
permanent foundations for a free government. Upon those 
foundations rests the fabric of our great Republic; upon those 
principles depends the career of human liberty. Little did the 
miserable pedant and bigot who then wielded the sceptre of Great 
Britain imagine that from this feeble settlement of persecuted 
and despised Puritans, in a century and a half, would arise a 
nation capable of coping with his own mighty empire in arts 
and arms. 

It is not my purpose to enter into the history of the Pilgrims; 
to recount the bitter persecutions and ignominious sufferings 
which drove them from England; to tell of the eleven years of 
peace and quiet spent in Holland, under their beloved and ven- 
erated pastor; nor to describe the devoted patriotism which 
prompted them to plant a colony in some distant land, where 
they could remain citizens of their native country and at the 
same time be removed from its oppressions; where they could 
enjoy liberty without violating allegiance. Neither shall I speak 
of the perils of their adventurous voyage; of the hardships of 



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8BARGBANT SMITH PRENTISS 



their early settlement; of the famine which prostrated, and the 
pestilence which consumed them. 

With all these things you are familiar, both from the page of 
history and from the lips of tradition. On occasions similar to 
this, the ablest and most honored sons of New England have 
been accustomed to tell, with touching eloquence, the story of 
their sufferings, their fortitude, their perseverance, and their suc- 
cess. With pious care they have gathered and preserved the 
scattered memorials of those early days, and the names of Car- 
ver, Bradford, Winslow, Standish, and their noble companions, 
have long since become with us venerated household words. 

There were, however, some traits that distinguished the enter- 
prise of the Pilgrims from all others, and which are well worthy 
of continued remembrance. In founding their colony they sought 
neither wealth nor conquest, but only peace and freedom. They 
asked but for a region where they could make their own laws 
and worship God according to the dictates of their own con- 
sciences. From the moment they touched the shore they labored 
with orderly, systematic, and persevering industry. They culti- 
vated, without a murmur, a poor and tmgrateful soil, which even 
now yields but a stubborn obedience to the dominion of the 
plow. They made no search for gold, nor tortured the miser- 
able savages to wring from them the discovery of imaginary 
mines. Though landed by a treacherous pilot upon a barren and 
inhospitable coast, they sought neither richer fields nor a more 
genial climate. They found liberty, and for the rest it mattered 
little. For more than eleven years they had meditated upon their 
enterprise, and it was no small matter could turn them from its 
completion. On the spot where first they rested from their wan- 
derings, with stem and high resolve, they built their little city 
and founded their young Republic. There honesty, industry, 
knowledge, and piety grew up together in happy union. There, 
in patriarchal simplicity and republican equality, the Pilgrim 
Fathers and Mothers passed their honorable days, leaving to their 
posterity the invaluable legacy of their principles and example. 

How proudly can we compare their conduct with that of the 
adventurers of other nations who preceded them! How did the 
Spaniard colonize? Let Mexico, Peru, and Hispaniola answer. 
He followed in the train of the great discoverer, like a devour- 
ing pestilence. His cry was gold! gold!! gold!!! Never in the 



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SEARGBAKT SMITH PRBNTISS 3237 

history of the world had the sacra fames auri exhibited itself 
with such fearful intensity. His imagination maddened with 
visions of sudden and boundless wealth, clad in mail, he leaped 
upon the New World, an armed robber. In greedy haste he 
grasped the sparkling sand, then cast it down with curses when, 
he found the glittering grains were not of gold. 

Pitiless as the bloodhound by his side, he plunged into the 
primeval forests, crossed rivers, lakes, and mountains, and pene- 
trated to the very heart of the continent. No region, however 
rich in soil, delicious in climate, or luxuriant in production, could 
tempt his stay. In vain the soft breeze of the tropics, laden with 
aromatic fragrance, wooed him to rest; in vain the smiling val- 
leys, covered with spontaneous fruits and flowers, invited him to 
peaceful quiet. His search was still for gold; the accursed hun- 
ger could not be appeased. The simple natives gazed upon him 
in superstitious wonder, and worshiped him as a god; and he 
proved to them a god, but an infernal one, — terrible, cruel, and 
remorseless. With bloody hands he tore the ornaments from 
their persons, and the shrines from their altars; he tortured them 
to discover hidden treasure, and slew them that he might search^ 
even in their wretched throats, for concealed gold. Well might 
the miserable Indians imagine that a race of evil deities had 
come among them, more bloody and relentless than those wha 
presided over their own sanguinary rites. 

Now let us turn to the pilgrims. They, too, were tempted; 
and had they yielded to the temptation, how different might have 
been the destinies of this continent — how different must have 
been our own! Previous to their undertaking, the Old World 
was filled with strange and wonderful accounts of the New. The 
unbounded wealth, drawn by the Spaniards from Mexico and 
South America, seemed to afford rational support for the wildest 
assertions. Each succeeding adventurer, returning from his voy- 
age, added to the Arabian tales a still more extravagant story. 
At length Sir Walter Raleigh, the most accomplished and dis- 
tinguished of all those bold voyagers, announced to the world his 
discovery of the province of Guiana and its magnificent capital, 
the far-famed city of El Dorado. We smile now at his account 
of the •great and golden city,* and *the mighty, rich, and beauti- 
ful empire.*^ We can hardly imagine that any one could have 
believed, for a moment, in their existence. At that day, how- 
ever, the whole matter was received with the most implicit faith. 



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SEARGEANT SMITH PRENTISS 



Sir Walter Raleigh professed to have explored the country, and 
thus glowingly describes it from his own observation: — 

**! never saw a more beautiful country, nor more lively prospects; 
hills so raised here and there over the valleys — the river winding 
into divers branches — the plains adjoining, without bush or stubble 
-^all fair green grass — the deer crossing in every path — the birds, 
towards the evening, singing on every tree with a thousand several 
tunes — the air fresh, with a gentle easterly wind; and every stone 
that we stopped to take up promised either gold or silver by its 
complexion. For health, good air, pleasure, and riches, I am resolved 
it cannot be equaled by any region either in the east or west^ 

The Pilgrims were urged, in leaving Holland, to seek this 
charming country and plant their colony among its Arcadian 
bowers. Well might the poor wanderers cast a longing glance 
towards its happy valleys, which seemed to invite to pious con- 
templation and peaceful labor. Well might the green grass, the 
pleasant groves, the tame deer, and the singing birds allure them 
to that smiling land beneath the equinoctial line. But while 
they doubted not the existence of this wondrous region, they re- 
sisted its tempting charms. They had resolved to vindicate, at 
the same time, their patriotism and their principles — to add 
dominion to their native land, and to demonstrate to the world 
the practicability of civil and religious liberty. After full discus- 
sion and mature deliberation, they determined that their great 
objects could be best accomplished by a settlement on some por- 
tion of the northern continent, which would hold out no tempta- 
tion to cupidity — no inducement to persecution. Putting aside, 
then, all considerations of wealth and ease, they addressed them- 
selves with high resolution to the accomplishment of their noble 
purpose. In the language of the historian, *^ trusting to God and 
themselves,* they embarked upon their perilous enterprise. 

As I said before, I shall not accompany them on their adven- 
turous voyage. On the twenty-second day of December, 1620, 
according to our present computation, their footsteps pressed the 
famous rock which has ever since remained sacred to their ven- 
erated memory. Poets, painters, and orators have tasked their 
powers to do justice to this great scene. Indeed, it is full of 
moral grandeur; nothing can be more beautiful, more pathetic, 
or more sublime. Behold the pilgrims, as they stood on that 



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SBARGBANT SMITH PRENTISS 3339 

cold December day — stem men, gentle women, and feeble child- 
ren — all uniting in singing a hymn of cheerful thanksgiving to 
the good God, who had conducted them safely across the mighty 
deep and permitted them to land upon that sterile shore. See 
how their upturned faces glow with a pious confidence which the 
sharp winter winds cannot chill, nor the gloomy forest shadows 
darken : — 

*Not as the conqueror comes, 

They, the true-hearted came; 
Not with the roll of the stirring drum. 

Nor the trumpet, that sings of fame; 
Nor as the flpng come, 

In silence and in fear — 
They shook the depths of the desert gloom 

With their hymns of lofty cheer.* 

Noble and pious band! your holy confidence was not in vain: 
your * hymns of lofty cheer* find echo still in the hearts of 
grateful millions. Your descendants, when pressed by adversity, 
or when addressing themselves to some high action, turn to the 
* landing of the Pilg^ms,* and find heart for any fate — strength 
for any enterprise. 

How simple, yet how instructive, are the annals of this little 
settlement. In the cabin of the Mayflower they settled a general 
form of government, . upon the principles of a pure democracy. 
In 1636, they published a declaration of rights, and established 
a body of laws. The first fundamental article was in these 
words: — 

^That no act, imposition, law, or ordinance be made, or imposed 
upon us, at present or to come, but such as has been or shall be en- 
acted by the consent of the body of freemen or associates, or their 
representatives legally assembled,* etc. 

Here we find advanced the whole principle of the Revolution 
— the whole doctrine of our republican institutions. Our fathers, 
a hundred years before the Revolution, tested successfully, as 
far as they were concerned, the principle of self-government, and 
solved the problem whether law and order can co-exist with lib- 
erty. But let us not forget that they were wise and good men 
who made the noble experiment, and that it may yet fail in our 
hands, unless we imitate their patriotism and virtues. 



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^240 8BARGEAMT SMITH PRBMTIS8 

There are some who find fault with the character of the Pil- 
grims, — who love not the simplicity of their manners, nor the 
austerity of their lives. They were men, and of course imper- 
fect; but the world may well be challenged to point out in the 
whole course of history men of purer purpose or braver action, 
— men who have exercised a more beneficial influence upon the 
destinies of the human race, or left behind them more enduring 
memorials of their existence. 

At all events, it is not for the sons of New England to search 
for the faults of their ancestors. We gaze with profound vener- 
ation upon their awful shades; we feel a grateful pride in the 
country they colonized, in the institutions they founded, in the 
example they bequeathed. We exult in our birthplace and in 
our lineage. 

Who would not rather be of the Pilgrim stock than claim 
descent from the proudest Norman that ever planted his robber 
blood in the halls of the Saxon, or the noblest paladin that 
qua£Eed wine at the table of Charlemagne? Well may we be 
proud of our native land, and turn with fond aflFection to its 
rocky shores. The spirit of the Pilgrims still pervades it and 
directs its fortunes. Behold the thousand temples of the Most 
High that nestle in its happy valleys and crown its swelling hills. 
See how their glittering spires pierce the blue sky, and seem 
like so many celestial conductors, ready to avert the lightning of 
an angry heaven. The piety of the pilgrim patriarchs is not yet 
extinct, nor have the sons forgotten the God of their fathers. 

Behold yon simple building near the crossing of the village 
road I It is small and of rude construction, but stands in a pleas- 
ant and quiet spot. A magnificent old elm spreads its broad 
arms above and seems to lean towards it, as a strong man bends 
to shelter and protect a child. A brook runs through the 
meadow near, and hard by there is an orchard — but the trees 
have suflEered much and bear no fruit, except upon the most re- 
mote and inaccessible branches. From within its walls comes a 
busy hum, such as you may hear in a disturbed beehive. Now 
peep through yonder window and you will see a hundred child- 
ren, with rosy cheeks, mischievous eyes and demure faces, all 
engaged, or pretending to be so, in their little lessons. It is the 
public school — the free, the common school — provided by law; 
open to all; claimed from the community as a right, not accepted 
as a bounty. Here the children of the rich and poor, high and 



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SBARGBANT SMITH PRENTISS 3241 

low, meet upon perfect equality, and commence under the same 
auspices the race of life. Here the sustenance, of the mind is 
served up to all alike, as the Spartans served their food upon 
the public table. Here young Ambition climbs his little ladder, 
and boyish Genius plumes his half-fledged wing. From among 
these laughing children will go forth the men who are to control 
the destinies of their age and country: the statesman whose wis* 
dom is to guide the Senate — the poet who will take captive the 
hearts of the people and bind them together with immortal song 
— the philosopher who, boldly seizing upon the elements them- 
selves, will compel them to his wishes, and, through new com- 
binations of their primal laws, by some great discovery, revolu- 
tionize both art and science. 

The common village school is New England's fairest boast — 
the brightest jewel that adorns her brow. The principle that 
society is bound to provide for its members' education as well as 
protection, so that none need be ignorant except from choice, is 
the most important that belongs to modem philosophy. It is 
essential to a republican government. Universal education is not 
only the best and surest, but the only sure foundation for free 
institutions. True liberty is the child of knowledge; she pines 
away and dies in the arms of ignorance. 

Honor, then, to the early Fathers of New England, from 
whom came the spirit which has built a schoolhouse by every 
sparkling fotmtain, and bids all come as freely to the one as to 
the other. All honor, too, to this noble city, who has not dis- 
dained to follow the example of her Northern sisters, but has 
wisely determined that the intellectual thirst of her children 
deserves as much attention as their physical, and that it is as 
much her duty to provide the means of assuaging the one as of 
quenching the other. 

But the spirit of the Pilgrims survives, not only in the knowl- 
edge and piety of their sons, but, most of all, in their indefati- 
gable enterprise and indomitable perseverance. 

They have wrestled with Nature till they have prevailed 
against her, and compelled her reluctantly to reverse her own 
laws. The sterile soil has become productive under their saga- 
cious culture, and the barren rock, astonished, finds itself covered 
with luxuriant and unaccustomed verdure. 

Upon the banks of every river they build temples to industry, 
and stop the squanderings of the spendthrift waters. They bind 



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3242 8EARGEANT SMITH PRENTISS 

the naiads of the brawling stream. They drive the dryades 
from their accustomed haunts, and force them to desert each fa- 
vorite grove; for upon river, creek, and bay they are busy trans- 
forming the crude forest into stanch and gallant vessels. Prom 
every inlet or indenture along the rocky shore swim forth these 
ocean birds — bom in the wild wood, fledged upon the wave. 
Behold how they spread their white pinions to the favoring 
breeze, and wing their flight to every quarter of the globe — the 
carrier pigeons of the world! It is upon the unstable element 
the sons of New England have achieved their greatest triumphs. 
Their adventurous prows vex the waters of every sea. Bold and 
restless as the old Northern vikings, they go forth to seek their 
fortunes in the mighty deep. The ocean is their pasture, and 
over its wide prairies they follow the monstrous herds that feed 
upon its azure fields. As the hunter casts his lasso upon the wild 
horse, so they throw their lines upon the tumbling whale. They 
•draw out leviathan with a hook.* They •fill his skin with 
barbed irons,* and, in spite of his terrible strength, they •part him 
among the merchants.* To them there are no pillars of Hercules. 
They seek with avidity new regions, and fear not to be • the first 
that ever burst* into unknown seas. Had they been the com- 
panions of Columbus, the great mariner would not have been 
urged to return, though he had sailed westward to his dying day. 
Glorious New England! thou art still true to thy ancient fame 
and worthy of thy ancestral honors. We, thy children, have as- 
sembled in this far-distant land to celebrate thy birthday. A 
thousand fond associations throng upon us, roused by the spirit 
of the hour. On thy pleasant valleys rest, like sweet dews of 
morning, the gentle recollections of our early life; around thy 
hills and mountains cling, like gathering mists, the mighty mem- 
ories of the Revolution; and far away in the horizon of thy past 
gleam, like thine own Northern Lights, the awful virtues of our 
Pilgrim sires! But while we devote this day to the remembrance 
of our native land, we forget not that in which our happy lot is 
cast. We exult in the reflection that though we count by thou- 
sands the miles which separate us from our birthplace, still our 
country is the same. We are no exiles meeting upon the banks 
of a foreign river, to swell its waters with our homesick tears. 
Here floats the same banner which rustled above our boyish heads, 
except that its mighty folds are wider and its glittering stars in- 
creased in number. 



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SBARGEANT SMITH PRENTISS 



3243 



The sons of New England are found in every State of the 
broad Republic. In the East, the South, and the unbounded 
West, their blood mingles freely with every kindred current. We 
have but changed our chamber in the paternal mansion; in all its 
rooms we are at home, and all who inhabit it are our brothers. 
To us the Union has but one domestic hearth; its household gods 
are all the same. Upon us, then, peculiarly devolves the duty of 
feeding the fires upon that kindly hearth; of guarding with pious 
care those sacred household gods. 

We cannot do with less than the whole Union; to us it admits 
of no division. In the veins of otir children flows Northern and 
Southern blood. How shall it be separated; who shall put asun- 
der the best affections of the heart, the noblest instincts of our 
nature ? We love the land of our adoption, so do we that of our 
birth. Let us ever be true to both, and always exert ourselves 
in maintaining the unity of our country, the integrity of the 
Republic. 

Accursed, then, be the hand put forth to loosen the golden 
cord of Union; thrice accursed the traitorous lips, whether of 
Northern fanatic or Southern demagogue, which shall propose its 
severance! But no! the Union cannot be dissolved; its fortunes 
are too brilliant to be marred; its destinies too powerful to be re- 
sisted. Here will be their greatest triumph, their most mighty 
development. And when, a century hence, this Crescent City 
shall have filled her golden horns; when, within her broad-armed 
port shall be gathered the products of the industry of a hundred 
millions of freemen; when galleries of art and halls of learning 
shall have made classic this mart of trade; then may the sons of 
the Pilgrims, still wandering from the bleak hills of the north, 
stand upon the banks of the great river, and exclaim with min- 
gled pride and wonder: **Lo! this is our country. When did the 
world ever witness so rich and magnificent a city — so great and 
glorious a Republic!* 



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3244 



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WILLIAM PULTENEY 

(1684^1764) 

■ILLIAM PuLTENEY was One of the most thoroughgoing Whigs 
of the reigns of Qaeen Anne and George L, when in some 
respects the Whigs were more thoroughgoing than their 
successors, the English Liberals, of the last quarter of the nineteenth 
century. Though no English Liberal of the present might care to 
make such a speech against English armament as Pulteney made in 
1738, it is still of great contemporary interest in its bearing on sim- 
ilar speeches made by John Hancock and other celebrated American 
Whigs not quite forty years later. Pulteney was bom in 1684 and ed- 
ucated at Christ Church, Oxford. He entered Parliament in 1705, and 
supported Walpole, though twenty years later they antagonized each 
other. Under George I.. Pulteney was Secretary of War. and in 1742 
was created Earl of Bath, a title which failed to usurp the honor 
he had done his own patronymic. He died July 7 th, 1764. 



AGAINST STANDING ARMIES 
(From a Speech in the English Parliament in 1738) 

Mr. Speaker: — 

SIR, as my principles are well known, as I have always declared 
myself of Whig principles, therefore I shall take the liberty 
to speak with the more freedom upon the question now be- 
fore us; and, indeed, upon the present occasion, I think myself 
under a sort of necessity, not only of speaking, but of speaking 
freely, because I find those very fears which were the occasion 
of our late happy Revolution are now made use of as arguments 
£or leading us into measures which must necessarily disappoint 
its effect. For recovering our religion and liberties, or at least 
for delivering them from the dangers they were then exposed to, 
our ancestors ventured their lives and fortunes imder the glori- 
ous and successful banners of the Prince of Orange. For secur- 
ing those liberties in time to come, the Prince of Orange was 
advanced to our throne, and for the same end our present royal 



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WILLIAM PULTENEY 



3^45 



family was established. This is the end we have had in view 
ever since the Revolution. This is the end which I shall always 
have in view; and, therefore, I can never allow the apprehensions 
of arbitrary power from one man to grow so prevalent with me 
as to induce me to be for any measure that may probably subject 
this nation, some time hereafter, to the arbitrary power of an- 
other; for if our liberties are to be destroyed, it signifies nothing 
to me, whether they are to be destroyed by a Richard, a John, 
or a Thomas; I am sure they can. never be in any danger from 
a George. 

If I were sure, sir, that the custom of keeping up a standing 
army in time of peace would come to an end as soon as it shall 
please God to visit this nation, by taking his present Majesty 
from us, I should be very easy, even though our army were much 
more numerous than it is; but as I know that the custom in one 
reign is generally made a precedent for the next, and as experi- 
ence has shown us that a standing army is an evil more apt 
to grow than decrease, therefore I shall never be for keeping 
up a greater number of regular troops than shall at the time 
appear absolutely necessary. I know there are some gentlemen, 
who, upon the present and many former occasions, have argued 
for the necessity of keeping up a standing army in time of peace, 
and yet pretend to be proud of being thought Whigs; but I like- 
wise know that a change in a man's circumstances has often 
produced a change in his sentiments; and, indeed, I am surprised 
to find that any man who has read the writings of some of our 
most eminent Whigs in former reigns can pretend to call him- 
self a Whig, or that he is governed by Whig principles, and yet 
at the same time declare for keeping up a numerous standing 
army in this island at a time when we are in the most profound 
tranquillity both abroad and at home. A numerous standing 
army, an army of men depending upon the king only, for their 
bread as well as their preferment, has always been deemed in- 
consistent with liberty. This has been the language of Whigs 
ever since the name was known; this has always been the lan- 
guage of those who were in times past the glorious supporters of 
liberty; the contrary doctrine was never till of late years pro- 
fessed by any but courtiers and the corrupt advocates for arbi- 
trary power. Corrupt, sir, I may surely call them; for in favor 
of such a cause, I am certain no man would argue without a 
fee. 



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3246 



WILLIAM PULTENBY 



From all histories^ both ancient and modem, we shall find that 
standing armies have been the destruction of liberty; and from 
the history of our own we may see how apt a standing army is 
to increase. Before the reig^ of King Charles II., no king of 
England had so much as a regiment of guards; they had no 
guards but the gentlemen pensioners; and though King Charles 
II. upon his restoration established but two regiments of guards, 
one of foot, and another of horse, or rather some troops of horse, 
yet the Whigs of those days (notwithstanding the unsettled state 
the nation was in, and the many republicans and republican sol- 
diers who were then known to be in the kingdom) iound great 
fault with that establishment, and looked upon it as an innovation 
dangerous to the liberties of the nation. But these two regiments 
are now increased to an army of eighteen thousand men, and 
even the most zealous Whigs of this, which is but the next suc- 
ceeding age, seem to be willing to submit to the keeping up of 
twelve thousand. For my part, sir, I must confess that I think 
even twelve thousand too great a number to be kept up in time 
of peace, and should look upon it as extremely dangerous if it 
were to be established as a maxim, that it would always be nec- 
essary for us to keep up such a number; therefore, though I may 
now argue for no greater reduction than what has been proposed, 
I hope it will not be from thence inferred that I shall always be 
for keeping up that number. 

Even twelve thousand regular forces may, in my opinion, be 
dangerous, especially if the keeping up of that number should 
be attended with an utter neglect of military discipline among 
the rest of our people; but eighteen thousand of such forces is, I 
think, a number which is absolutely inconsistent with our consti- 
tution; for no man can say our Constitution is secure when it is 
in the power of the court to overturn it at any time they have a 
mind; and considering the circumstances the nation is now in, 
considering that our militia is reduced to the lowest contempt, 
that there is no arms, nor any knowledge of military discipline 
among our people, that there is no great family in the kingdom 
that has any military dependence, or is in possession of any mag- 
azine of arms, I will be bold to say that eighteen thousand reg- 
ular troops, devoted to a court faction, will not only enable that 
faction to overturn the liberties of their country, but will be suf- 
ficient for supporting the arbitrary power they have established. 
In all cotmtries we find that the keeping up of standing armies 



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WILLIAM PULTENBY 



3247 



debases the spirit and courage of the rest of the people. In this 
country it has already had some effect, and that effect will grow 
stronger and more general every day. If an ambitious or op- 
pressive court, supported by eighteen thousand regular, mercen- 
ary troops, should begin to govern without any Parliament, and 
to make his Majesty's proclamation carry the force of a law, 
nothing but a military opposition could be made to them, and no 
such opposition can be made without a previous concert, and 
great preparation; for as no single man in the kingdom has now 
any number of followers he can depend on, nor any quantity of 
arms for arming those that may follow him from pure inclina^ 
tion, therefore no considerable body of men could assemble to- 
gether in arms in any part of the kingdom against an established 
government, nor can any one man, no nor any half dozen of the 
best families in the kingdom, propose to bring such a thing 
about with any probability of success; for a general concert 
might probably be discovered before it could be brought to the 
execution, and if any private man should begin to provide him- 
self with a quantity of arms the government might probably 
hear of it, and would not only seize upon his arms, but might 
make it a sufficient proof for convicting him of high treason. In 
our present circumstances, therefore, it cannot be expected that 
such a government would meet with any opposition, but from 
mobs and sudden tumultuous assemblies, and one squadron of 
dragoons, or two or three companies of foot, will always be suffi- 
cient for dispersing any such tumultuous assembly, especially after 
our people have been rendered more dastardly than they are at 
present, by a long disuse of arms and by having been long ac- 
customed to be bullied and cowed by parties of regular troops. 

Prom reason therefore, sir, and the nature of things, I must 
conclude that eighteen thousand regular troops will be sufficient 
for establishing and supporting arbitrary power in this kingdom, 
whenever our government has a mind; and in this opinion I am 
strongly fortified by experience. I believe there was never in 
any country a more illegal, a more arbitrary, or a more unpopu- 
lar government, than that of Oliver Cromwell; yet that govern- 
ment was supported till his death by an army not much grater 
than what we have now on foot, for when he died his army 
amounted to but twenty-seven thousand men; and the same sort 
of government would probably have been re-established under 
some other general, if a part of the army itself had not joined in 



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3248 WILLIAM PULTBNEY 

restoring King Charles II. If then, at that time, twenty-seven 
thousand men were found sufficient, when a great part of our 
people were not only accustomed to arms, but bred to action, 
what may not eighteen thousand now do, after otir people have 
been for so long bred up in a total disuse of arms, and hardly 
any man in the kingdom, except a few in our army, that ever 
saw an engagement? From the histories of other countries we 
may learn the same sort of experience. Julius Caesar conquered 
the world with an army not much superior to what we have 
now on foot, for it is reckoned he had but about twenty-two 
thousand men, when he fought the battle of Pharsalia; and both 
in France and Spain we shall find that the armies which first 
established that arbitrary power which now subsists in each were 
not a great deal more numerous than the standing army now 
kept up in this island. . . . 

Having thus, I think, clearly shown that the keeping up a 
standing army of eighteen thousand men in this island may be 
of the most dangerous consequence to our • Constitution, I shall 
next consider the necessity we are now under for keeping up 
such a number; but first, sir, I shall take some notice of our 
militia, notwithstanding its being now in such a contemptible 
state that 'tis worth no man's while to take notice of it, and 
notwithstanding my being convinced that it will be growing more 
and more contemptible every day; for while our government has 
a standing army to trust to, I am afraid they will endeavor to 
render our militia more and more contemptible, in order to make 
a standing army the more necessary and to make their depend- 
ence upon that army the more safe and infallible. However, sir, 
notwithstanding the present contemptible state of our militia, I 
am still of opinion that it might be made a good militia; nay, 
I am convinced that by proper regulations it might, in a few 
years, be made as good as any regular troops that have never 
been in action; for, with respect to discipline and the use of 
arms, I cannot look upon our present standing army as any- 
thing else than a well-disciplined militia. There are but few of 
the officers and soldiers that have ever been in action, and such 
as have might be incorporated with the militia; so that I can 
see no reason why our militia might not, in a few years, be 
made as good as our present regular troops can be supposed to 
be. In time of war, indeed, it would be necessary to have regu- 
lar regiments and to give pay both to the officers and soldiers of 



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WILLIAM PULTEMBY 3,4^ 

those regiments; but at the end of the war all such regiments 
ought to be disbanded and incorporated with our militia, and 
proper care taken to provide handsomely for those officers and 
soldiers who could not provide for themselves. By this means, 
even our militia would always have a great number of veteran 
soldiers among them, which would make those soldiers of much 
more service to their country, and much less expensive or dan- 
gerous, than when kept in separate corps by themselves, accord- 
ing to our present method. . . . 

But, sir, if we still go on in the same error; if we continue to 
neglect our militia and to put our whole trust in a standing 
army, our king may enjoy the hearts and affections of the gen- 
erality of the people and yet fall a sacrifice to the unjust resent- 
ment of his army; for in all countries where a standing army is 
kept up, those very measures and qualities which serve to endear 
a king to the generality of his people may probably expose him 
to the hatred and contempt of a standing army. In all countries 
where a standing army has been long kept up, and the rest of 
the people bred up to a total disuse of arms, the gentlemen of 
the army are apt to begin to look upon themselves, not as the 
servants, but as the lords and masters of the people; therefore 
they are apt to take such liberties with the people as ought not 
to be indulged in any society; and if the king, by an equal and 
impartial distribution of justice, should take care to prevent or 
put a stop to their taking any such liberties, they will probably 
think he does them injustice by not allowing them to make use 
of that right which they may think belongs to them as lords and 
masters of the people. In every such case, if the people have 
neither skill nor courage to defend their king and protector, he 
must necessarily fall a sacrifice to the resentment of his army, 
and for this reason we find that in all governments where a 
standing army has been long kept up, the king or chief magis- 
trate generally despises the affections of the people and minds 
nothing but the affections of the army, for the securing of which 
it becomes absolutely necessary for him to look upon the people 
in the same light his army does. They join in considering the 
people as their slaves only, and they join in treating them ac- 
cordingly. 

I come now, sir, to the third necessary use we are said to have 
for a numerous standing army, and I must say it is such a one 
as surprises me. We are told that an army of eighteen thousand 
vni — 204 



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33JO WILLIAM PULTBNBY 

men is necessary for enabling the dvil magistrate to execute 
those laws, which have been^ thought necessary by the wisdom of 
our legislature. If it were so, I am sure I should not think the 
wisdom of our legislature very conspicuous. 'Tis well known, sir, 
that with respect to some laws lately passed I have nothing to 
answer for, because I testified my disapprobation in the most 
public and explicit manner, of which several gentlemen in this 
House can bear me witness; but, nevertheless, I have so much 
confidence in the wisdom of our legislature, that I am convinced 
they neither have passed, nor will pass, any law for the execution 
of which a military force shall appear to be necessary, and if from 
experience such a thing should afterwards be found to be neces- 
sary, they would certainly repeal such a law and contrive some 
other method for effectuating that which was intended by the 
enacting of such a law; for in a free and civil government the 
lawgivers must always take care to pass no laws but what may 
be executed by the civil magistrate, assisted by the civil power 
of the country, or what we in this kingdom call the posse of the 
county. If ,they do otherwise, they must necessarily alter the 
frame of their government, and instead of a dvil and free gov- 
ernment they must establish a military and arbitrary form of 
government. In this we may see the difference between a free 
government supported by the power of the people only and an 
arbitrary government supported by a standing army. The former 
in all the laws they pass, or measures they take, are obliged to 
consult the inclinations of the people in general, because it is by 
the power of the people only they can propose to execute the 
laws they pass, or to enforce the measures they pursue. The 
latter, in neither of these respects, ever trouble their heads about 
the inclinations of the people; they consult only the inclinations 
of their army; because, if the people appear dissatisfied with any 
regulation they make, they can order their army to assist the 
civil magistrate in cramming it down the throats of the people. 



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THE NEW YO!<K 

PUftLic LiiuiAin ; 



AOTOl. \XSOJ A HP 
S t 



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JOHN PYM. 

After a Portrait Owned m rjjH by Thomas Hales, Esq, 



Jhk portrait here reproduced by photogravure, is from the copperplate 
by Houbraken of . Amsterdam ^Umpcusis J. and P. Kuapton, Lon- 
doni, 1738. >> No copperplate fancier will need to be told of the 
merits of the original it reproduces. 




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^-^ 



JOHN PYM 

(1584-1643) 

^N MANY respects Pym was the most remarkable man of the 
revolution against the Stnarts. He had a keener intellect 
than Hampden, and a power of sustained thought of which 
Cromwell was never capable. There are times when Cromwell's 
speeches read as if they were the result of the attempt of a dis- 
turbed mind to express itself in a feverish dream, but Pym in such 
speeches as that impeaching Strafford showed a power of intellect 
and a strength of expression seldom equaled in political discussion. 
•The law,* he says, «is the safeguard of all private interests. Your 
honors, your lives, your liberties and estates are all in the keeping 
of the law. Without this every man hath a like right to anything. 
This is the condition into which the Irish were brought by the Earl 
of Strafford; and the reason which he gave for it hath more mischief 
in it than the thing itself. <They were a conquered nation.' There 
cannot be a word more pregnant and fruitful in treason than that 
word is. ... If the King, by right of a conqueror, give laws to 
his people, shall not the people by the same reason be restored to the 
right of the conquered, to recover their liberty if they can ?» Again, 
he says: •It is the end of government that all accidents and events, 
all counsels and designs, should be improved to the public good, but 
this arbitrary power is apt to dispose all to the maintenance of itself.* 
In such utterances as these, Pym was one of the founders of the 
United States of America as truly as if he had signed the Constitu- 
tion. He was bom in Somersetshire in 1584. Entering Parliament in 
1621, two years after leaving Oxford University, he became one of the 
promoters of Buckingham's impeachment in 1626, and in 1628 was 
active in support of the Petition of Right. In the troubled year 1640, 
he became very prominent, and as he was instrumental in impeach- 
ing both Strafford and Laud, he was especially detested by the court. 
Charles I. attempted to send him to the Tower in 1642, but was de- 
feated by the firm stand the House of Commons took for its privi- 
leges. Pym died December 8th, 1643. The set speech he delivered at 
great length, defining grievances against Charles I., is not reported 
except in a synopsis. The report of his shorter speech of November 
7th, 1640, <On Grievances,* is here given in full from Nalson. 



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325* 



JOHN PYM 



GRIEVANCES AGAINST CHARLES L 
(Delivered in Parliament, November 7th, 1640) 

Mr, Speaker: — 

THE distempers of this kingdom are well known; they need not 
repetition; for though we have good laws, yet they want 
their execution; or if they were executed, it is in a wrong 
sense. I shall endeavor to apply a remedy to the breaches that 
are made, and to that end I shall discover first the quality of 
the disease. 

Firstly, there is a design to alter law and religion; the parties 
that effect this are Papists, who are obliged by a maxim in their 
doctrine that they are not only botmd to maintain their religion, 
but also to extirpate all others. 

The second is their hierarchy which cannot amount to the 
height they aim at, without a breach of our law. To which their 
religion necessarily joins, that if the one stand, the other must 
fall. 

Thirdly, agents and pensioners to foreign States, who see we 
cannot comply to them if we maintain our religion established, 
which is contrary to theirs. Here they intend chiefly the Spanish 
white gold works which are of most effect. 

Fourthly, favorites, such as for promotion prize not conscience, 
and such are our judges spiritual and temporal; such are also 
some of our counselors of state. All these, though severed, yet 
in their contrivemcnts aim at one end, and to this they walk on 
four feet. 

Firstly, discountenancing of preachers and virtuous men, they 
persecute under the law of purity. 

Secondly, countenancing of preachers of contrary dispositions. 

Thirdly, the negotiating with the faction of Rome by preach- 
ing, and to instructions to preach up the absolute monarchy of 
kings. [Here follow several heads: — ] 

Firstly, the political interpretation of the law to serve their 
terms, and thus to impose taxes with a color of law; a judge 
said it when a habeas corpus was paid for. 

Secondly, by keeping the king in continual want, that he may 
seek to their counsels for relief; to this purpose, to keep the Par- 
liaments in distaste, that their counsels may be taken. The king 



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JOHN PYM 3aS3 

by them is brought to this, as a woman that used herself to poi- 
son could not live with good meat. Search the chronicles, and 
we see no king that ever used Parliaments was brought to this 
want. 

Thirdly, arbitrary proceedings in courts of justice; we have 
all law left to the conscience of a single man. All courts are 
now courts of conscience, without conscience. 

Fourthly, plotters to enforce a war between Scotland and us, 
that when we had well wearied one another, we might be both 
brought to what scorn they pleased; the partition wall is only 
unity. 

Fifthly, the sudden dissolving of Parliaments, and punishing 
of Parliament men, all to aflfright us from speaking what we 
think. One was committed for not delivering up the petitions of 
the House; then a declaration which slandered our proceedings, 
as full of lies as leaves, who would have the first ground to be 
our example. And Papists are under appearance to the king his 
best subjects, for they contribute money to the war, which the 
Protestants will not do. 

Sixthly, another is military, by getting places of importance 
into the Papists' hands, as who are commanders in the last army 
but they? none more strong in arms than they, to whom their 
armor is delivered contrary to the statute. Their endeavor is to 
bring in strangers to be billeted upon us; we have had no ac- 
compt of the Spanish navy, and now our fear is from Ireland. 

Lastly, the next is papistical that proceeds of agents here in 
London, by whose desires many monasteries and ntmneries here 
in London were erected. 



LAW AS THE SAFEGUARD OP LIBERTY 
(Opening of the Reply to Strafford Delivered in Parliament in 1641) 

My Lords: — 

ANY days have been spent in maintenance of the impeach- 



M' 



ment of the Earl of Straflford by the House of Commons, 
whereby he stands charged with high treason; and your 
lordships have heard his defense with patience, and with as much 
favor as justice will allow. We have passed through our evi- 
dence and the result is that it remains clearly proved that the 



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3254 JO™ ^^ 

Earl of Strafford hath endeavored by his words, actions, and coun- 
sels, to subvert the fundamental laws of England and Ireland, 
and to introduce an arbitrary and t3rrannical government This 
will best appear if the quality of the offense be examined by 
that law to which he himself appeared, that universal, that su- 
preme law, — Salus populi^ — the welfare of the x)eople! This is 
the element of all laws, out of which they are derived; the end 
of all laws to which they are designed, and in which they are 
I>erfected. The offense comprehends all other offenses. Here 
you shall find several treasons, murders, rapines, oppressions, per- 
juries. The earth hath a seminary virtue, whereby it doth pro- 
duce all herbs and plants and other vegetables; there is in this 
crime a seminary of all evils hurtful to a State; and if you con- 
sider the reason of it, it must needs be so. 

The law is that which puts a difference betwixt good and 
evil, — betwixt just and unjust. If you take away the law, all 
things will fall into a confusion. Every man will become a law 
to himself, which, in the depraved condition of human nature, 
must needs produce many great enormities. Lust will become a 
law, and envy will become a law; covetousness and ambition will 
become laws; and what dictates, what decisions such laws will 
produce may easily be discerned in the late government of Ire- 
land! The law hath a power to prevent, to restrain, to repair 
evils; without this, all kind of mischief and distempers will break 
in upon a State. 

It is the law that doth entitle the King to the allegiance and 
service of his people; it entitles the people to the protection and 
justice of the King. It is God alone who subsists by himself, all 
other things subsist in a mutual dependence and relation. He 
was a wise man that said that the King subsisted by the field 
that is tilled; it is the labor of the people that supports the 
Crown; if you take away the protection of the King, the vigor 
and cheerfulness of allegiance will be taken away, though the ob- 
ligation remains. 

The law is the boimdary, the measure between the King's 
prerogative and the people's liberty; while these move in their 
own orbs, they are a support and a security to one another; the 
prerogative a cover and defense to the liberty of the people, and 
the people by their liberty are enabled to be a foundation to the 
prerogative; but if these bounds be so removed that they enter 
into contention and conflict, one of these mischiefs must ensue; 



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JOHN PYM 3^55 

if the prerogative of the King overwhehns the liberty of the peo- 
ple, it will be turned into tyranny; if liberty undermine the pre- 
rogative, it will grow into anarchy. 

The law is the safeguard, the custody of all private interest 
Your honors, your lives, your liberties and estates, are all in the 
keeping of the law; without this, every man hath a like right 
to anything. This is the condition into which the Irish were 
brought by the Earl of Strafford; and the reason which he gave 
for it hath more mischief in it than the thing itself, — they were 
a conquered nation. There cannot be a word more pregnant and 
fruitful in treason than that word is. There are few nations in the 
world that have not been conquered, and no doubt but the con- 
queror may give what laws he pleases to those that are conquered, 
but if the succeeding pacts and agreements do not limit and re- 
strain that right, what people can be secure ? England hath been 
conquered, Wales hath been conquered, and by this reason will be 
in little better case than Ireland; if the King by right of a con- 
queror give laws to his people, shall not the people by the same 
reason be restored to the right of the conquered, to recover their 
liberty if they can? What can be more hurtful, more pernicious 
to both, than such propositions as these ? And in these particu- 
lars is determined the first consideration. 

The second consideration is this: Arbitrary power is dan- 
gerous to the King's person and dangerous to his crown; it is 
apt to cherish ambition, usurpation, and oppression in great men, 
and to beget sedition and discontent in the people; and both 
these have been, and in reason must ever be, causes of great 
trouble and altercation to princes and states. 

If the histories of those Eastern countries be perused, where 
princes order their affairs according to the mischievous principles 
of the Earl of Strafford, loose and absolved from all rules of 
government, they will be found to be frequent in combustions, 
full of massacres and of the tragical ends of princes. If any man 
should look into our own histories, in the times when the laws 
were most neglected, he shall find them full of commotions, of 
civil distempers, whereby the kings that then reigned were al- 
ways kept in want and distress; the people consumed with civil 
wars; and by such wicked councils as these, some of our princes 
have been brought to such mis^r^ble ends as no honest heart 
can remember without horror and earnest prayer, that it may 
never be so again. 



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3256 JOHN PYM 

The third consideration is this: The subversion of the laws, 
and this arbitrary power, as it is dangerous to the King's person 
and to his crown, so is it in other respects very prejudicial to his 
Majesty, in his honor, profit, and greatness; and yet these are the 
gildings and paintings that are put upon such counsels; these 
are for your honor, for yotir service, whereas in truth they are 
contrary to both; but if I shall take ofiE this varnish, I hope they 
shall then appear in their own native deformity, and therefore I 
desire to consider them by these rules. 

It cannot be for the honor of the King that his sacred au- 
thority should be used in the practice of injustice and oppression; 
that his name should be applied to patroniace such horrid crimes 
as have been represented in evidence against the Earl of Straf- 
ford ; and yet how frequently, how presumptuously his commands, 
his letters, have been vouched throughout the course of this de- 
fense. Your lordships have heard, when the judges do justice, it 
is the King's justice, and this is for his honor, because he is the 
fountain of justice ; but when they do injustice the offense is their 
own; but those officers and ministers of the King, who are most 
officious in the exercise of this arbitrary power, they do it com- 
monly for their advantages, and when they are questioned for it, 
then they fly to the King's interest, to his direction; and truly, 
my lords, this is a very unequal distribution for the King that 
the dishonor of evil courses should be cast upon him, and they 
to have the advantage. 

The prejudice which it brings to him in regard of his profits 
is no less apparent; it deprives him of the most beneficial and 
most certain revenue of his crown, that is, the voluntary aids 
and supplies of his people; his other revenues, consisting of 
goodly demesnes and great manors, have by grants been alienated 
from the crown, and are now exceedingly diminished and im- 
paired; but this revenue, it cannot be sold, it cannot be burdened 
with any pensions or annuities, but comes entirely to the crown. 
It is now almost fifteen years since his Majesty had any assist- 
ance from his people; and these illegal ways of supplying the 
King were never pressed with more violence and art than they 
have been in this time; and yet I may, upon very good grounds, 
affirm that in the last fifteen years of Queen Elizabeth she re- 
ceived more, by the bounty and affection of her subjects, than 
hath come to his Majesty's coffers by all the inordinate and 
rigorous courses which have been taken. And as those supplies 



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JOHN PYM 3257 

were more beneficial, in the receipt of them, so were they like- 
wise in the use and employment of them. 

Another way of prejudice to his Majesty's profit, is this; such 
arbitrary courses exhaust the people, and disable them, when 
there shall be occasion, to give such plentiful supplies as other- 
¥rise they would do. I shall need no other proof of this than 
the Irish government under my Lord of StraflEord, where the 
wealth of the kingdom is so consumed by those horrible exac* 
tions and burdens, that it is thought the subsidies lately granted 
will amount to little more than half the proportion of the last 
subsidies. The two former ways are hurtful to the King's profit, 
in that respect which they call lucrum cessans^ by diminishing his 
receipts; but there is a third, fuller of mischief; and it is in 
that respect, which they call damnum emergens^ by increasing his 
disbursements; such irregular and exorbitant attempts upon the 
liberties of the people are apt to produce such miserable distrac- 
tions and distempers as will put the King and kingdoms to such 
vast expenses and losses in a short time as will not be recovered 
in many years. We need not go far to seek a proof of this; 
these last two years will be a sufficient evidence, within which 
time I assure myself it may be proved that more treasure hath 
been wasted, more loss sustained, by his Majesty and his sub- 
jects, than was spent by Queen Elizabeth in all the war of Ty- 
ron, and in those many brave attempts against the King of Spain 
and the royal assistance which she gave to France and the Low 
Countries during all her reign. 

As for greatness, this arbitrary power is apt to hinder and 
impair it, not only at home, but abroad. A kingdom is a society 
of men enjoined under one government for common good. The 
world is a society of kingdoms and states. The King's greatness 
consists, not only in his dominion over his subjects at home, but 
in the influence which he hath upon states abroad; that he should 
be great even among kings, and, by his wisdom and authority, so 
to incline and dispose the affairs of other states and nations, and 
those great events which fall out in the world, as shall be for 
the good of mankind and for the i>eculiar advantage of his own 
people. This is the most glorious and magnificent greatness to be 
able to relieve distressed princes, to support his own friends and 
allies, to prevent the ambitious designs of other kings; and how 
much this kingdom hath been impaired in this kind by the late 
mischievous cotmsels, your lordships best know; who, at a near 



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3^58 JOHN PYM 

distance, and with a more ciear sight, do apprehend these great 
and public affairs than I can do. Yet thus much I dare boldly 
say, that if his Majesty had not, with great wisdom and goodness, 
forsaken that way wherein the Earl of Strafford had put him, 
we should, within a short time, have been brought into that mis- 
erable condition, as to have been useless to our friends, contempt- 
ible to our enemies, and incapable of imdertaking any great 
design, either at home or abroad. 

A fourth consideration is, that this arbitrary and tyrannical 
power, which the Earl of Strafford did exercise in his own per- 
son, and to which he did advise his Majesty, is inconsistent with 
the peace, the wealth, the prosperity of a nation; it is destructive 
to justice, the mother of peace; to industry, the spring of wealth; 
to valor, which is the active virtue, whereby the prosperity of a 
nation can only be procured, confirmed, and enlarged. 

It is not only apt to take away i>eace, and so entangle the 
nation with wars, but doth corrupt peace, and put such a malig- 
nity into it as produceth the effects of war. We need seek no 
other proof of this but the Earl of Strafford's government, where 
the Irish, both nobility and others, had as little security of their 
persons or estates in this peaceable time, as if the kingdom had 
been under the rage and fury of war. 

And as for industry and valor, who will take pains for that, 
which, when he hath gotten, is not his own? or who fight for 
that wherein he hath no other interest but such as is subject to 
the will of another? The ancient encouragement to men that 
were to defend their countries was this, that they were to hazard 
their person, pro arts et fociSy for their religion, and for their 
houses; but by this arbitrary way which was practiced in Ireland, 
and counseled here, no man had any certainty, either of reUgion, 
or of his house, or anything else to be his own; but besides this, 
such arbitrary courses have an ill operation upon the courage of 
a nation, by embasing the hearts of the people; a servile condi- 
tion does for the most part beget in men a slavish temper and 
disposition. Those that live so much under the whip and the 
pillory, and such servile engines as were frequently used by the 
Earl of Strafford, they may have the dregs of valor, sullenness, 
and stubbornness, which may make them prone to mutinies and 
discontents; but those noble and gallant affections which put men 
to brave designs and attempts for the preservation or enlarge- 
ment of. a kingdom, they are hardly capable of. Shall it be 



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JOHN PYM 3aS9 

treason to embase the King's coin, though but a piece of twelve- 
pence, or sixpence? and must it not needs be the effect of a 
greater treason to embase the spirits of his subjects, and to set 
a stamp and character of servitude upon them, whereby they 
shall be disabled to do anything for the service of the King and 
Commonwealth ? 

The fifth consideration is this, that the exercise of this arbi- 
trary government in times of sudden danger, by the invasion of 
an enemy, will disable his Majesty to preserve himself and his 
subjects from that danger. This is the only pretense by which 
the Earl of Strafford, and such other mischievous coimselors, 
would induce his Majesty to make use of it; and if it be unfit 
for such an occasion, I know nothing that can be alleged in 
maintenance of it. 

When war threatens a kingdom by the coming of a foreign 
enemy, it is no time then to discontent the people, to make them 
weary of the present government, and more inclinable to a 
change; the supplies which are to come in this way, the distrac- 
tions, divisions, distempers which this course is apt to produce 
will be more prejudicial to the public safety than the supply 
can be advantageous to it, and of this we have had sufficient 
experience the last summer. 

The sixth, that this crime of subverting the laws and intro- 
ducing an arbitrary and tyrannical government is contrary to the 
pact and covenant between the King and his people; that which 
was spoken of before was the legal union of allegiance and pro- 
tection; this is a personal union by mutual agreement and stipu- 
lation, confirmed by oath on both sides; the King and his people 
are obliged to one another in the closest relation, as of a father 
and a child; it is called in law pars patris; he is the husband of 
the Commonwealth, they have the same interests, they are insep- 
arable in their condition, be it good or evil; he is the head, they 
are the body; there is such an incorporation as cannot be dis- 
solved without the destruction of both. 

When Justice Thorp, in Edward the Third's time, was by the 
Parliament condemned to death for bribery, the reason of that 
judgment is given because he had broken the King's oath, not 
that he had broken his own oath, but he had broken the King's 
oath, that solemn and great obligation which is the security of the 
whole kingdom; if for a judge to take a final sum in a private 
cause was adjudged capital, how much greater was this offense, 



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3260 JOHN PYM 

whereby the Earl of StraflEord hath broken the King's oath in the 
whole course of his government in Ireland, to the prejudice of 
so many of his Majesty's subjects in their lives, liberties, and es- 
tates, and to the danger of all the rest? 

The doctrine of the Papists, Fides non est servanda cum he- 
reticis^ is an abominable doctrine; yet that other tenet, more pe- 
culiar to the Jesuits, is more pernicious, whereby subjects are 
discharged from their oath of allegiance to their prince, whenso- 
ever the Pope pleaseth; this may be added to make the third no 
less mischievous and destructive to human society than either of 
the rest. That the King is not botmd by that oath which he 
hath taken to observe the laws of the kingdom, but may, when 
he sees cause, lay taxes and burdens upon them without their 
consent, contrary to the laws and liberties of the kingdom — this 
hath been preached and published by divers persons, and this is 
that which hath been practiced in Ireland by the Earl of Straf- 
ord, in his government there, and endeavored to be brought into 
England by his counsel here. 

The seventh is this: it is an offense that is contrary to the 
end of government; the end of government was to prevent op- 
pressions, to limit and restrain the executive power and violence 
of great men, to open the passages of justice, with indifferency 
towards all; this arbitrary power is apt to induce and encourage 
all kinds of insolences. 

Another end of government is to preserve men in their es- 
tates, to secure them in their lives and liberties; but if this de- 
sign had taken effect, and could have been settled in England, 
as it was practiced in Ireland, no man would have had more cer- 
tainty in his own, than power would have allowed him ; but these 
two have been spoken of heretofore; there are two behind more 
important, which have not yet been touched. 

It is the end of government that virtue should be cherished, 
vice suppressed ; but where this arbitrary and unlimited power is 
set up, a way is open, not only for the security, but for the ad- 
vancement and encouragement of evil; such men as are apt for 
the execution and maintenance of this power are only capable of 
preferment; and others who will not be instruments of any unjust 
commands, who make a conscience to do nothing against the 
laws of the kingdom and liberties of the subject, are not only 
passable for employment, but subject to much jealousy and dan* 
ger. 



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JOHN PYM 3261 

It is the end of government that all accidents and events, all 
counsels and designs should be improved to the public good; but 
this arbitrary power is apt to dispose all to the maintenance of 
itself. The wisdom of the council-table, the authority of the 
courts of justice, the industry of all the officers of the Crown, 
have been most careftdly exercised in this; the learning of our 
divines, the jurisdiction of our bishops have been molded and 
disposed to the same effect, which though it were begun before 
the Earl of Strafford's employment, yet it hath been exceedingly 
furthered and advanced by him. 

Under this color and pretense of maintaining the King's power 
and prerogative, many dangerous practices against the peace and 
safety of the kingdom have been undertaken and promoted. The 
increase of popery and the favors and encouragement of papists 
have been, and still are, a great grievance and danger to the 
kingdom; the innovation, in matters of religfion, the usurpations of 
the clergy, the manifold burdens and taxations upon the people, 
have been a great cause of our present distempers and disorders; 
and yet those who have been chief furtherers and actors of such 
mischiefs have had their credit and authority from this that they 
were forward to maintain this power. The Earl of Strafford had 
the first rise of his greatness from this, and in his apology and 
defense, as your lordships have heard, this hath had a main part. 

The royal power and majesty of kings is most glorious in the 
prosperity and happiness of the people; the perfection of all 
things consists in the end for which they were ordained; God 
only is his own end; all other things have a further end beyond 
themselves, in attaining whereof their own happiness consists. 
If the means and end be set in opposition to one another, it 
must needs cause impotency and defect of both. 



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